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THE 

HISTORICAL WRITINGS 



OF THK LATX 



/ 

Orsamus Hf Marshall 



Relating to the 



Early History of the West 



With an Introduction bt 



WILLIAM L. STONE. 




ALBANY, N. T. 
JOEL MUNSELL'S SONS, 82 STATE ST. 



MDCCCLXXXVII. 



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CONTENTS. 



I^TTEODUCTIOiSr 

Short Sketch 01" the Indian Teibes which dwelt on the 

Borders of the Great Lakes ----- 
Champlain's Expedition against the Onondagas in 1615 - 
Replt to Dr. Shea and Gen. Clark - . - - 

Champlain's Astrolabe 

The Building and Voyage of the Griffon in 1679 
Expedition of the Marquis de Nonvillb against the 

Senegas in 1687 - - 

La Salle's First Visit to the Niagara Frontier in 

1669 

De Celoron's Expedition to the Ohio in 1749 
Historical Sketches of the Niagara Frontier - 
History of the New York Charter 1664-74 - 
Early Notices of the Copper Regions - . . 

Index Reruji --._...-- 
Appendix — Biographical Notices of Mr. Marshall; and 

THE tributes PAID TO HIS MEMORY BY THE BuFFALO 

Hist. Soc, Buffalo Bar, etc., etc. 
Index 



IX 

1 
19 
43 
67 
73 



123 

187 
237 
275 
321 
333 
345 



469 

489 



/? 



*i 




INTRODUCTOEY NeXE. 



A few words are perhaps necessary in explanation of some of the 
references to be found in the Index Rerum. 

Dr. Peter Wilson a Cayuga chief, and Nathaniel T. Strong a 
Seneca chief who are often referred to, were educated Indians, who 
resided upon the Cattaragus Reservation, and were in frequent cor- 
respondence with Mr. Marshall upon Indian matters. 

Seneca White was a half breed, son of John White a white chief, 
a white captive, adopted by the Indians. He died at an advanced 
age in 1864. 

Conjockety was a descendant of the Kah-kwas, and lived for 
many years upon Conjockety creek near Buffalo. He died in 1866 
upwards of 100 years old. 

Blacksmith, occasionally referred to, was a celebrated chief who 
resided on the Tonawanda Reservation. He spoke only in his native 
tongue and all information obtained from him was through an in- 
terpreter. 

Ely Parker, Nicholas H. Parker, M. B. Pierce, Moses Stevenson, 
and others to whom reference is occasionally made, were all well 
educated representative Indians, with whom Mr. Marshall had fre- 
quent interviews, and occasional correspondence. Ely Parker 
became well known during the war of the Rebellion as Gen. Grant's 
chief of staff. 



Yin INTJR OB TIC TOR Y NO TE. 

Rev. Asher Wright and Mrs. Wright were for many years mis- 
sionaries among the Senecas upon tlie Cattaraug'us Reservation, 
Mr. \\'' right died in 1875, and his widow survived liim about ten 
years, continuing her missionary work until her death. Mr. Wright 
translated the four Gospels into Seneca, and Mrs, Wright published 
a collection of Seneca hymns. Both were thoroughly versed in the 
Seneca tongue, and their letters are often referred to in the Index. 

The Paris and London " Xotes " and " Mems " of which mention 
is frequently made, consist of manuscript notes and memoranda 
made by Mr. Marshall from manuscript maps, journals, etc., found 
in the Paris and London libraries, during a trip to Europe in the 
year 1877. 

There are undoubtedly, eri-ors and probably erroneous citations in 
the " Index Rerum." It has been impossible to verify them all, 
and some confusion may arise out of the fact that the particular 
editions of the " Relation of the Jesuits," to which reference is 
often made are not always given ; but it must be borne in mind 
that the " Index " was compiled by Mr. Marshall for his private use, 
with no expectation of its publication, and it is included in the 
present collection solely in the hope that it may be of some assist- 
ance to those who are working in the same iield of historical re- 
searcli to which Mr. Marshall's labors were directed. 

Charles D. Marshall. 



INTRODUCTION. 




His walk through life was marked by every grace; 

His soul sincere, his friendship void of guile. 
Long shall remembrance all his virtues trace, 

And fancy picture his benignant stnile." 

N the summer of 1860, feeling diffident in regard 
to the merits of mj unfinished Life of Sir 
William Johnson, I sent a few of its chapters to 
Orsamus H, Marshall, of Buffalo (to whom I was at the 
time a perfect stranger, though, of course, he was not un- 
known to mej, with the request that he would kindly 
examine the manuscript, and give me his opinion as to the 
advisability of its publication. His letter in reply was so 
kind and so full of genial encouragement — as well as that 
of Mr. Francis Parkman, of Boston, to whom I had also 
written — that the work was completed and given to the 
public. This was the beginning of a friendship terminated 
only by the recent and lamented death of Mr. Marshall. 
The niche which this christian gentleman filled in the 
social, literary and business world, and the fact that he 
has left a wide circle of friends to whom his name is en- 
deared by many tender and pleasing recollections, seem to 



X INTRODUCTION. 

justify me in introducing to the reader tliose of his works 
which commend themselves more particularfy to every 
lover of American history. 

Mr. Marshall has deservedly won high rank as an his- 
torical writer, and in his own particular province stands, 
perhaps, without a rival. What the term genre expresses 
as applied to paintings, may with equal force be used to 
illustrate the character of his writings. He chose chiefly 
for his subjects the aboriginals of Western New York, and 
the early explorers — subjects fraught with all the elements 
of picturesque romance, and the attractiveness which sur- 
rounds narratives of adventure and personal prowess \ and 
the results of his fidelity in searching for original authori- 
ties, and in clearing from false exaggeration and obscurity 
the real story, are presented in a style always, agreeable, 
and with a minuteness of detail which has given to his 
many historical monographs and contributions to magazine 
literature an authoritative value. The old documents, 
''crisp with age and covered with the dust of centuries," 
which he has collected, and for the first time turned to 
account in the matter of verification and illustration, take 
us behind the scenes and show us the wires, which, pulled 
by Louis XIV. and his ministers, made their puppets in 
the New World dance. 

For many years it seems to have been taken for granted 
that America had no unwritten history; and the inertness, 
consequent upon this belief, had the natural efiect to per- 



INTRODUCTION'. ■ xi 

petuate the impression by preventing any effort to gather 
up and prefjerve the records of the past. This apathy has 
now been succeeded by a zeal as ardent as it has hitherto 
been cold. Nearly every State has a society devoted to 
putting into durable form for posterity its history ; and 
many counties have^ likewise, organizations for preserving 
local history which turn their knowledge over to the larger 
societies of their respective states. Of these, the Historical 
Societies of New York, Wisconsin, Massachusetts, Rhode 
Island, Vermont and Pennsylvania are especially active ; 
and it is astonishing to see the vast amount of valuable 
information thus garnered, which, otherwise, would have 
been irretrievably lost. Nor is this thirst for historical re- 
search confined to public bodies. In several of our large 
cities clubs of a few wealthy individuals have been formed 
for the purpose of reprinting old and rare books and manu- 
scripts. The benefits of these organizations are many. 
Persons of bibliographical tastes are enabled to procure, at 
a comparatively moderate price, valuable and otherwise in- 
accessible works; the development of the typographical 
art is stimulated ; and rare and priceless manuscripts that 
have lain in musty garrets, a prey to the rats, and which 
ultimately must have been destroyed, are put into such a 
shape as will ensure them from perishing. When in Paris a 
few years ago Mr. Marshall spent much of his time in going 
through the archives containing remnants of the doings of 
the French government in Canada in connection with Indian 



XII INTR OD UGTIOK 

affairs. It was his opinion that those archives contained 
a wonderful amount of valuable material which would 
never be utilized until some one was paid to go there and 
collect it. Indeed, the amount of invaluable manuscripts 
which at the present time, are stowed away in old chests 
and trunks and consigned to garrets and barns as lumber, 
can scarcely be realized by those who have not made the 
subject a study. 

Mr, Marshall's numerous addresses before the Buffalo 
and other historical societies and his published writings 
have done much toward creating this recent taste for his- 
torical studies. His paper entitled " Champlain's Expe- 
dition against the Onondagas in 1615," which appeared as 
the leading article in the first issue of the " Magazine of 
American History" in January, 1877, was charmingly as 
well as ably written and attracted wide attention. Chief 
among his other works, which have also reached a large 
community of appreciative readers, may be mentioned the 
" Expedition of the Marquis de Nonville, in 1687, against 
the Senecas," issued by the New York Historical Society 
in vol. II of its new series ; the " Expedition of De Celoron 
to the Ohio in 1749 ; " " La Salle's first visit to the Senecas 
in 1699 " (privately printed in pamphlet form in 1874) ; 
"The Building and the Voyage of the Grl^on in 1679; " 
read before, and published by, the Buffalo Historical Society 
and " Historical Sketches of the Niagara Frontier," also 
iread before and j^ublished by the same Society, the dis-^ 



INTR OB UCTION. xni 

tinguishing feature of each being the picturesque beauty 
with which dry historical facts are adorned, while truth is 
strictly preserved. Indeed, the notion of the old school 
of historians that history, to be correct, must necessarily 
be dull, has of late years been gradually passing away. 
Among American writers who have aided materially in 
bringing about this change, Bancroft, Parkman, Prescott 
and Marshall are preeminent. The stern pioneer warrior, 
with arquebus and mail, the friars with their rosaries and 
peaked hoods, the plumed Indian with tomahawk and gayly 
decorated quiver, pass before us, as we read Mr. Marshall's 
pages, like figures in the glittering pageant of a night ; 
and were it not for the carefully collected foot-notes, which 
afford a sure test of the accuracy of the text, we should 
often think it a dream of romance rather than a chapter 
of stern history. 

The period partially covered by Mr. Marshall's writings, 
like those of Mr. Parkman, is one of unique interest. Of 
the influences which were at work in founding New France, 
and of the facts themselves, comparatively little is known. 
It has been the generally received impression that the halo 
of romance surrounding the pioneers of the New World 
has been the result of this uncertainty, which a more 
accurate knowledge would at once dissipate. Parkman 
and Marshall, however, prove the contrary to be the case, 
^nd clearly show that the facts, when carefully studied, 



XIV INTRODUCTION. 

increase, rather than diminish, in picturesque charm and 
coloring. France — a century later than England — was 
just emerging from the bondage of feudalism. The tiers 
eto.t was struggling into life, and the free burgesses were 
gradually forcing the nobility, under the pleasure-loving 
Louis XIII., to relinquish their grasp upon their baronial 
rights and privileges. At this point the discovery of the 
New World seemed to show a way of escape ; and under 
the guise of traffic and adventure, feudalism sought to en- 
graft upon new stock that which was fast withering upon 
the old. Some of the attempts and trials, the successes 
and failures, the sulferings and daring, which ensued while 
the experiment was in progress, are clearly shown by Mr. 
Marshall. Especially is this the case in "The Building 
and Voyage of the Griffon^ The story of her voyage 
covers the early and dangerous explorations of La Salle, 
La Motte and Father Hennepin. " The humble pioneer 
of the vast fleets of our modern lake commerce," as Mr. 
Marshall happily expresses it, '- now spread her sails to 
the auspicious breeze and commenced her perilous voyage. 
The vast inland seas, over which she was about to navigate, 
had never been explored, save by the canoe of the Indian, 
timidly coasting along their shores. Without chart to 
warn of hidden danger, she boldly plowed her way." The 
vessel was driven by violent gales north-westerly, and at 
length anchored in the calm waters of the bay of Missil- 
limakinac. " Here," continues our author, " the voyagers 



INTR OB UCTION. xt 

found a settlement composed of Hurons, Ottawas and a 
few Frenchmen. A bark-covered chapel bore the emblem 
of the cross, erected over a mission planted by the Jesuits. 
Like a dim taper, it shone with feeble light in a vast wil- 
derness of Pagan darkness." Gladly would we accompany 
Mr. Marshall in his delineation of the career of La Salle, 
as that adventurous personage, with his companions, Hen- 
nepin, Tonty, La Mofcte and other kindred spirits, follows 
in, and widens the track of his predecessor, Marquette 5 
but our limits forbid, and as after an hour spent in rapt 
admiration of some magnificent creation of an artist's 
pencil we fain would linger, bat are compelled to turn 
away, comforting ourselves with the intention of soon 
coming again, so we must be content with his closing para- 
graph. The vessel, it appears, was finally lost — not the 
only disaster, but simply one of a series v/hich befell this 
enterprising explorer — " yet his iron will was not subdued 
nor his impetuous ardor diminished. He continued to 
prosecute his discoveries under the most disheartening 
reverses, with a self-reliance and energy that never faltered. 
He was equal to every situation, whether sharing the 
luxuries of civilized life or the privations of the wilderness ; 
whether contending with the snows of a Canadian winter 
or the burning heats of Texas ; whether paddling his canoe 
along the northern lakes or seeking by sea for the mouth 
of the Mississippi. His eventful life embodied the elements 



XVI INTROJDUGTION. 

of a grand epic poem, full of romantic interest and graphic 
incident; alternating in success and failure, and culmina- 
ting in a tragic death." 

In Mr. Marshall's volumes, likewise, we catch full 
glimpses of the self-sacrificing devotion of the followers of 
Loyola in carrying out the work left by Champlain. We 
see them now pulling with strong arms their frail bark 
canoes against the rapids of the Canadian rivers, and again, 
elevating the Host before some sylvan altar— the brawny 
forms of the Indian braves bent in rapt surprise at 
the strange rite. To all persons interested in the vindica- 
tion of the character of our aboriginals these writings 
peculiarly appeal. Mr. Marshall brought to his researches 
a benevolent nature, sympathizing with the Indians in all 
their misfortunes, and a fondness for traditions, which is 
the more interesting, as he had been brought into personal 
contact with their prominent leaders (Red Jacket, for 
example) . Seen through the vista of prejudice the Indian, 
whom our ancestors first encountered, is more or less a , 
hideous creature of cruelty ; and the Puritan exile, while 
he calmly burns out the tongue of a Quaker for a religious 
difference holds up to pious horror the savage who scalps the 
white ravisher of his wife ! The late CoL Wm. L. Stone 
and Mr. Schoolcraft were the pioneers in hewing down the 
prejudices that had grown up around the Indian character : 
they show conclusively that whenever the aboriginals were 
treated simply as fellow-men they never failed to show 



II^TB OD UCTION. xvii 

appreciation of it by their conduct. The first act of the 
savages of Eastern Massachusetts upon the arrival of the 
Mayflower was to tender her passengers presents of maize ; 
and not until their claims to kind treatment were ignored 
and themselves wantonly spurned (when the immediate 
danger to the colonists of starvation was over) did they 
raise the defiant war-whoop against the white strangers. 
And when, in the severe winter of 1678, La Motte and 
Hennepin, after following for five weary days an Indian 
trail through the frost-bound wilderness, and sleeping at 
night in the open air without shelter, reached the village 
of the Senecas, they were received by that nation, as we 
are told by Mr. Marshall, " with marked consideration and 
conducted to the cabin of their principal chief, where the 
young men bathed their travel-worn feet and annointed 
them with bear's oil." In fact, we do not remember an 
instance where the whites encountered the Indians for the 
first time on the shores of this continent, in which they 
were not treated with kindness and hospitality : as it is with 
nations, so is it the case with individuals ; and the great 
influence of William Penn, Sir William Johnson and Les- 
carbot over the terrible yet fickle Iroquois, which has 
always been regarded as so extraordinary, arose simply 
from the fact that they knew the magic of kindness and 
its potency over all, but especially over the red men of the 
forest.^ 



^ In this connection, a pleasing incident may very appropriately 
be mentioned. On June 16th, 1885, the Senecas met at Versailles, 



xYiii INTR OD UCTION. 

"The Niagara 'Frontier," not only embraces sketches 
of a section of country whose interest is enhanced by the 
events of the war of 18 1 2^ but is a successful attempt 
to rescue from oblivion and illustrate historically some 
of the Indian, French and English names which have 
been apjDlied to the most prominent localities on that 
frontier. This paper is characterized by the same agree- 
able style, joined to historical accuracy, which runs 
throughout the series ; and with a similar conclusive 
way in which the writer, in his ^' Expedition of Cham- 
plain," established to the satisfaction of so thorough a 



N. Y., jind, partly as a delicate recognition of his father's kindly 
feeling towards the Indians, adopted Mr. Charles D. Marshall into 
their nation as a brother. On this occasion after a few graceful 
and appropriate words of introduction by William C. Bryant — him- 
self a Seneca by adoption — a large circle was formed, in the centre 
of which the chiefs of the several tribes of the Seneca nation ranged 
themselves in two parallel lines. The candidate, Charles D. Mar- 
shall, was then led forward, and presented to a venerable gray haired 
chief, Solomon O. Bail, a grandson of the famous Cornplanter. The 
old man grasped the aspirant for adoption by the hand and made a 
long speech in the Seneca tongue, I'eciting the virtues of Mr. Mar- 
shall and his worthy sire. Mr. Marshall was then led up and down 
between the two lines of braves, his conductor chanting a wierd and 
not unmusical air, while the remainder of the Indians sounded a 
gutteral chorus resembling the bark of a dog or the howl of a wolf, 
finishing with a wild whoop. Mr. Marshall was then declared duly 
installed as a member of the Wolf clan and was christened " Gaih- 
wa-gwin-ni-uh," the translation of which is '" The Truth." At the 
close, the newly-made Indian shook hands with all his brethren and 
exchanged fraternal vows. 



INTB OB UGTION. xix 

writer as Parkman, the site of the battle between Cham- 
plain and the Onondagas, he settles the question of the 
original Indian name of the Falls of Niagara. The orig- 
inal name of the Niagara river as pronounced by the 
Neutral Nation was On-gui-aah ; by the Mohawks NyaTi- 
ga-ra ; and by the Senecas Nijali-mali. In 1657, the name 
appeared on Samson's map of Canada spelled Ongiara ; 
and in 1688 it made its first appearance as Niagara on 
Coronelli's map, published in Paris But this final spelling 
was not reached until the word, as Dr. O'Callaghan in- 
forms us, had been spelled in thirty-nine different ways. 
The word itself is probabl}^ derived from the Mohawks, 
through whom the French had their first intercourse with 
the Iroquois. The Mohawks say the word means '' Neck *' 
in allusion to its connecting the two lakes. Sir William 
Johnson writing in 1771 to Arthur Lee of Virginia (secre- 
tary of the Philosophical Society) states that " oga " or 
" aga" is an inflection or termination in the Iroquois dialect 
signifying " the inhabitants of." ^ 

Hence Niagara "the people of the Neck." The word 
Niagara has therefore no reference to the cataract, which 
is supposed by many still to bear the original Indian 



^ I am aware that some writers differ from me in regard to the 
meaning of the termination " aga." I consider, however, that Sir 
William Johnson, living among the Mohawks at the time he wrote, 
and having exceptional means of information, and being moreover, 
himself a man of uncommonly keen observation — is a far rnore re- 
liable authority on this point than any modern writer, 



XX INTE OB UGTION. 

name. Nor, indeed, does it appear that those tribes, dwel- 
liner around the falls at the time of the discovery, knew 
them by any distinctive name. After the discovery, how- 
ever, as we here learn from Mr. Marshall, " the Senecas 
appear to have given it the name of ^ Det-gah-slioJi-ses,' 
signifying ' the place of the High Fall.' They never 
call it Niagara, nor by any similar term, neither does 
that word signify in their language, ^ thunders of waters,' 
as affirmed by Schoolcraft." Indeed, it has been too 
much the habit of some of our American writers upon 
the aboriginals, either to substitute a theory of their own 
in relation to the meaning of certain Indian names, or 
to announce a thing as a fact before having sufficiently 
investigated the subject. Schoolcraft is not the only 
author who has fallen into this error. Cooper, also, in one 
of his Leather Stocking tales has originated a mistake in 
this way in writing of Lake George — the original Indian 
name of which is An-dia-roc-te — giving the manufactured 
one Horicon, which by some has been imagined to mean 
** Clear or Silvery Water," as the original name. Tijis, as 
in the case of Mr. Schoolcraft's definition of Niagara, is 
certainly poetic but has not the merit of historical truth 
which is of much more importance. The thanks of his 
countrymen should be given Mr. Marshall for his pains- 
taking efforts in putting into imperishable form the early 
history of a national curiosity in which Americans justly 
take great pride. 



INTR OB VGTION. xxi 

In this sketch, also, we again meet with La Salle, as, in 
his brigantine of ten tons, he doubles the point where Fort 
Niagara now stands and anchors in the sheltered waters 
of that river. As his vessel entered that noble stream the 
grateful Franciscans chanted the Te Deum Laudamus. 
^' The strains of that ancient hymn," says Mr. Marshall, 
" as they rose from the deck of the adventurous bark, and 
echoed from shore and forest, must have startled the watch- 
ful Senecas with the unusual sound, as they gazed upon 
their strange visitors. Never before had white men as- 
cended the river. On its borders the wild Indian still 
contended for supremacy with the scarce wilder beasts of 
the forest. Dense woods overhung the shore, except at 
the site of the present fort or near the portage above, 
where a few temporary cabins sheltered some fishing 
parties of the Senecas. All was yet primitive and unex- 
plored." 

In the "Niagara Frontier," allusion is made to the 
origin of the name of Buffalo. Its first occurrence, we here 
learn, is in the narrative of the captivity of the Gilbert 
family among the Senecas in 1780-81.. It next appears 
in the Treaty of Fort Stanwix, held by Timothy Pickering. 
The Rev. Mr. Kirkland, in his journal of a visit to the 
Senecas in 1788, also speaks of their "Village on the 
Bufi^ilo " ; and from that time the word seems to have come 
into general use. The Holland Land Company endea- 
vored to supplant it with the term of " New Amsterdam," 



XXII INTR OB UCTION. 

but the early village fathers of the town, with unusual good 
sense, rejected] the substitute, together with ^the foreign 
names which the same company had imposed upon the 
streets.^ 

The chief characteristic of Mr. Marshall was conscien- 
tiousness. Thisltrait was prominent in his daily life, in 
his business relations, and in his literary work, Wliat he 
published was written with the greatest care, and not until 
he had thoroughly and exhaustively examined his subject 
from every stand point. " When Mr. Marshall," remarked 
a friend shortly after his decease, " asserted a thing, it was 
useless to look ftirther," In his historical studies, his legal 
training was of great assistance to him in sifting conflict- 
ing testimony, and aiming at a just estimate of the facts. 
He often hesitated, even after long and patient investiga- 
tion, in giving his views to the public, fearful lest he might 
unwittingly give currency to error. " I have learned 
sorrowfully," he once wrote to me in a half- playful vein, 
" that man is mortal ; and I am very sorry to say it, he 
is totally depraved. I cannot, therefore, lean on any one, 
and I do not exclude myself in that list. I assure you I 
am groping in the dark, lacking confidence in the records 
of the past, and feeling no certainty that any fact is really 
the unadulterated truth." Hence, when Mr. Marshall 



^ It would seem, however, that they were not so successful in 
getting rid of the foreign " signs " in that city, as is evident to any 
one passing down its " Main " street ! 



INJROBUCTION. xxm 

stated a thing as a fact, the reader felt that the author 
narrated what he, at least, believed to be true ; and to this 
circumstance, as well as to the charm of his style, is to be 
ascribed the respect in which he is held as a writer. 

Thus much regarding Mr. Marshall's literary labors ; 
but our feelings prompt us to pursue him into the recesses 
of private life. The repository of numerous and important 
trusts, his integrity was above suspicion. Esteemed for 
no extrinsic circumstances but for his own individual 
worth, his virtues were many, and they of the most lovely 
character. In fine, he was one of the few of whom it can be 
said he was greatly beloved in life and deeply regretted in 
death. His intimate personal friend, Mr. Wm. C. Bryant, in 
his remarks before the Buffalo Bar, called together to do 
honor to Mr. Marshall's memory, said : '• He sustained all 
the relations of Ufe with exceeding grace and rare dignity ; 
judicious, loving, kind, he had a heart open as day to 
melting charity. He was the typical American gentle- 
man — dignified without haughtiness, courteous but not 
subservient, with winning graciousness of manner and ob- 
servant of all the sweet humanities — a loving heart in a 
manly bosom." Restful be the sleep of this inmate of 
the tomb, and green be the sod over his mortal remains ! 

" Sure the last end 
Of the good man is peace — how calm his exit ! 
Night dews fall not more gently to the ground: 



XXIV 



mTEODUGTlON. 



Nor weary worn out winds expire so soft ! 
Behold him in the evening tide of life ! 
. A life well spent, whose early care it was — 
His riper years should not upbraid his green: 
By un perceived degrees he wears away — 
Yet, like the sun, seems larger at his setting ! " 



William L. Stone. 



Jersey Gity Heights, 
Jan. 15, 1887. 




A SKETCH OF SOME OF THE INDIAN TRIBES 
WHICH FOEMERLY DWELT ON THE BORDERS 
OF THE GREAT LAKES. ^ 

HE broad and extensive valley drained by the 
lakes which pour their tribute to the ocean 
through the Gulf of St. Lawrence, is, in many 
respects, a region of no common interest. 

It embraces an area of more than half a million of 
square miles, abounding in fertile soil, possessing a salu- 




^ This sketch originally formed the preface to a lecture upon the 
Franciscan and|Jesuit Missions in North America, delivered by Mr. 
Marshall before the " Young Men's Association" of Buffalo, Feb. 
9th, 1849. It is placed in this position as forming an appropriate 
Introduction to the events which are narrated in the succeeding 
papers. 

Mr. Marshall, through this paper, was one of the first to call 
attention to the early Jesuit Missions as an interesting field for 
historical investigation ; and when it is remembered what paucity 
of material was at hand at the time it was written, the labor and 
patience bestowed upon it, as well as the accuracy of its statements, 
must appear in the highest degree creditable to the author. This 
sketch is not printed in full in the present volume, for the reason 
that Mr. Marshall seems to have drawn on it for some of his sub- 
sequent papers, which are now given in full. — Ed. 



2 INDIAJSr TMIBES 

brious climate, and diversified with sublime and pic- 
turesque scenery. 

From its source to its outlet, this immense chain of 
seas and connecting straits, affording an inland navigation 
of upwards of two thousand miles in extent, may be re- 
garded as a continuous river, expanding at intervals into 
broad and beautiful lakes. 

The interesting region which borders these unrivalled 
channels of communication, is destined at no distant day, 
to teem with a dense population fostered by the influ- 
ence of free institutions and enriched by the successful 
pursuits of agriculture and commerce. 

The rapid increase of its own population and the un- 
ceasing tide of emigration, which is flowing up the valley 
will soon subdue its remaining forests, establish and occupy 
its marts of commerce, and outstrip in its career of pros- 
perity the less favored portions of the older world. 

It is not alone in reference to its geographical features, 
its favored position, or its future prospects, that this 
region abounds in interest. It has a history. And al- 
though its annals when compared with those of the 
eastern continent are of but recent date, still, to us the 
mists of a venerable antiquity have already settled upon 
the events connected with its discovery, its early settlement, 
and the toils and privations of those intrepid adventurers, 
who first explored its wilds ; contended with the native 
tenants of its forests; and cleared the way for the advanc- 
ing footsteps of a more favored race. 



OF THE GREAT LAKES. 3 

The recent researches of geology discover in the up- 
heaved strata of this so-called new continent, evidences of 
an older formation than any visible in the other hemis- 
phere. 

The antiquarian, as he excavates the mounds, and sur- 
veys the remains, which are scattered over our western 
valleys, meets with relics of a remote antiquity, and me- 
morials of a populous race, advanced in civilization, who, 

"Heaped with long toil the earth, while yet the Greek 
*' Was hewing the Pentelicus to forms of symmetry, 
" And rearing on its rocks the glittering Parthenon." 

The various tribes of aboriginal inhabitants, which were 
found in possession of this country at its discovery, ex- 
hibited a diversity of institutions, customs and language, 
which could only have resulted from a separation at a 
period far remote in their history. 

Nothing here is new, but the race that has acquired 
dominion over these territories. 

The English, on landing in James River and at Ply- 
mouth, met a people which spoke a language kindred to 
that of the tribes which greeted the Dutch at Manhattan 
and the French on the St. Lawrence. All these were but 
branches of that Algonquin family whose domains ex- 
tended from the Atlantic to the Mississippi, and from the 
home of the Cherokee in the South to the frozen regions of 
the North. 

Almost in the centre of this extensive region, scattered 
along the borders of the lakes and surrounded on all 



4 INDIAN TRIBES 

sides by this Algonquin race, dwelt a group of tribes, 
speaking dialects of a common language, different from 
that of the former and to whom modern ethnographers 
have applied the term of " Huron-Iroquois." 

They have been sub-divided by French writers into six 
families, called Iroquois, Hurons, Tobacco Nation, Neutral 
Nation, Eries and Andastes, all resembling each other in 
customs, government and language. That they all at no 
very remote period, formed but one people, there can be 
but little doubt. When or how they became disunited, 
is now beyond historical research. 

The Iroquois have a tradition of the era of their con- 
federacy or reunion, but we have not even that dim and 
uncertain light to tell us the circumstances under which 
the parent tribe was broken into fragments. 

The location of the five nations, whose territories 
extended longitudinally through our State, is well 
known to all. Their history possesses for us a peculiar 
and local interest. Less than two hundred years ago they 
claimed and exercised exclusive dominion over the north- 
ern and western parts of our State, and their prowess was 
felt from the walls of Quebec to the prairies of Illinois, 
and from the Mexican Gulf to the sterile regions washed 
by Hudson's Bay. 

The term " Iroquois " by which they are known to the 
French, is a sobriquet, derived from two words, one being 
that with which they always conclude their harangues, 
and analagous to the word " dixi " of the Latins, and the 



OF THE GREAT LAKES. 5 

other an exclamation, which if in good humor, they pro- 
nounce rapidly, but if sorrowful in a drawling tone. 

The name by which they are known among themselves 
signifies " a perfect house " in allusion to their strong and 
well compacted confederacy. This they compared to a 
'•' Long House," the eastern door of which opened on the 
Hudson and the western on Lake Erie, the former being 
guarded by the Mohawks and the latter by the Senecas. 

As early as the year 1654, the application of this name 
was illustrated by a Mohawk chief who complained in a 
speech to the Governor of Canada, because the embassy 
which the Jesuit LeMoyne had just undertaken to the 
Onondagas had not first visited the Mohawks " Is it 
not," " said he, by the door of a house that you should 
enter ? It is not by the chimmey or the roof, unless you 
wish to steal or surprise the inmates. 

" The five Iroquois nations form but one house. We 
kindle but one fire, and have always lived under one roof. 
Why then do you not enter by the door, which is in the 
lower story of the house. It is by the Mohawks you 
should commence. You wish to enter by the chimney, 
commencing with the Onondagas. Have you no fear that 
the smoke will blind you, our fire not being extinguished ? 
Are you not afraid of falling, there being nothing substan- 
tial to support you ?" 

The French called the Mohawks and Oneidas the 
"lower Iroquois," and the Onondagas, Cayugas and 
Senecas the " upper," in allusion to their geographical 
position. 



6 INDIAN TRIBES 

It was to this distinction that the Mohawk probably 
alluded, when he spoke of his tribe as constituting the 
lower story of the Long House. 

We feel a still greater interest in the history of the 
Seneca branch of this once powerful confederacy. Their 
council fire burned for a long time on the confines of our 
city [Buffalo]. They were the most numerous, warlike 
and fierce of all the tribes, and numbered among their 
sachems and warriors, some of the most distinguished in 
aboriginal annals. Their early history has never been 
written, and probably never can be. Facts are now so 
blended with tradition, that no research nor investigation 
can separate them. The old men of the nation, those 
links which connected the past with the present, and 
from whom much might have been gathered as to the 
origin and history of their race, have passed away, and 
the nation itself, before the lapse of not many years, will 
share the fate of those numerous tribes, which have been 
exterminated by its prowess. Civilization will rescue 
their hunting grounds from the dominion of nature, their 
rude wigwams will give place to the dwellings of the 
white man, and the plough will soon obliterate all 
evidence of their occupancy, as it turns the soil which 
covers their graves, and levels their rude mounds and 
trenches, by some supposed to be the relics of a still older 
race. 

The Hurons were located on the eastern shore of the 
lake which bears their name. Their villages were 
clustered around the head of Gloucester bay, on the 



OF THE GREAT LAKES. 7 

waters of the Matchedas, and in the neighborhood of 
Lake Simcoe. This region was early known to the 
French by the name of the " Huron country " and has 
been the scene of the self-denying toil, sufferings and 
martyrdom of many a devoted Jesuit. 

The term " Huron " is not of Indian origin. It was 
first applied to that people by the French, and originated 
by way of burlesque from a word the latter frequently 
used, when they saw for the first time, the cropped and 
bristling hair of the Hurons. Their frightful appearance 
provoked the exclamation " quelles hures" what heads ! 
a term which settled into " Hurons," and became their 
ordinary appellation. 

When first visited by the white man in 1609, they were 
found to be subdivided into four distinct tribes or clans, 
living in twenty villages containing about thirty thousand 
souls. At this time they were at war with the Iroquois, 
who even then were called their " ancient enemies " and 
hostilities continued to prevail between them for nearly 
forty years with scarcely any intermission. The Hurons 
were enabled to maintain their position until the year 
1649, when the Iroquois invaded their country with a 
large army during the false security afforded by deep 
snows and a severe winter, fell upon them unawares, mas- 
sacred great numbers, destroyed their villages and laid 
waste their country. The Hurons never recovered from 
the effects of this invasion, but deserted their homes and 
sought protection among the French, or refuge in the 
islands of Lake Huron. A few, in their extremity, fled to 



8 INDIAN TBIBES 

the villages of the Tobacco nation, but the fugitives and 
the people which gave them shelter, were alike com- 
pelled to abandon all to their victorious enemies. The 
details of their overthrow fully appears in the part which 
the Jesuits acted and suffered in the bloody tragedy. 

The Tobacco nation just alluded to, were so called from 
the abundance of that herb which was found in their 
country at its first exploration. They lived south-weat 
of the Hurons, occupying the borders of the same lake. 

The Neutral nation had their council fires in the ex- 
tensive peninsula north of our lake and along both borders 
of the Niagara. They claimed for their hunting grounds 
the territory lying west of the Genesee, and extending 
northward to the Hurons. Few details exist respecting 
this peculiar people, who, before the Senecas wrested from 
them the soil we now occupy, reared their dwellings, pur- 
sued their game and lived in innocent neutrality in these 
regions now swarming with the population and sprinkled 
with the abodes of the white man. 

Champlain mentioned their existence as early as 1616. 
He noticed some of their peculiarities and expressed a 
strong desire to explore their country. 

According to the estimation of the Jesuits, they num- 
bered twelve thousand souls in 1641, and could furnish 
four thousand warriors, notwithstanding, for three years 
previous they had been wasted by war, famine and pes- 
tilence. 

Although the French applied to them the name of 
" neuter," it was only an allusion to their neutrality be- 



OF THE GREAT LAKES. 9 

tween the Hurons and the Iroquois. These contending 
nations traversed the territories of the Neutral nation in 
their wars against each other, and if, by chance, they met 
in the wigwams or villages of this people, they were 
forced to restrain their animosity and to separate in peace. 

Notwithstanding this neutrality, they waged cruel wars 
with other nations, toward whom they exercised cruelties 
even more inhuman than those charged upon their savage 
neighbors. 

The early missionaries describe their customs as similar 
to those of the Hurons, their land, as producing Indian 
corn, beans and squashes in abundance, their rivers as 
abounding in fish of endless variety, and their forests as 
filled with animals yielding the richest furs. 

They exceeded the Hurons in stature, strength and 
symmetry of form, and wore their dress with a superior 
grace. 

They regarded their dead with peculiar afiection, and 
hence arose a custom which is worthy of notice, and ex- 
plains the origin of the numerous burial mounds which 
are scattered over this vicinity. Instead of burying the 
bodies of their deceased friends, they deposited them in 
houses or on scaffolds erected for the purpose. They col- 
lected the skeletons from time to time and arranged them 
in their dwellings, in anticipation of the feast of the dead, 
which occurred once in ten or twelve years. On this 
occasion the whole nation repaired to an appointed place, 
each family, with the greatest apparent affection, bringing 



10 INDIAN TRIBES 

the bones of their deceased relatives enveloped in the 
choicest furs. After many superstitious ceremonies were 
performed, these remains were deposited with war-like im- 
plements and domestic utensils in a large pit and covered 
with earth. One of these receptacles can now be seen 
near the head of Tonawanda island, and was recently 
opened by Mr. Squier, the author of the volume on the 
antiquities of the Mississippi valley, recently published by 
the Smithsonian Institute. Nothing was found within it 
but bones and fragments of pottery. 

Another may be seen a short distance east of our city, 
north of the Seneca road, and not far beyond the bridge 
over the Buffalo creek. It still forms a perceptible ele- 
vation above the level of the surrounding field. An Irish 
emigrant has chosen the site for his humble dwelling, 
little supposing the hillock which determined his choice 
to be a charnel house, filled with the bones of an extinct 
race. Many similar tunnels may be found in other parts 
of the reservation, all knowledge of the origin of which is 
disclaimed by the Senecas. 

While the Neutral nation were thus inhabiting these 
regions, they were embroiled in a war with the Iroquois, 
and soon shared the fate of the Hurons. 

La Fiteau, on the authority of Father Gamier, relates 
that the quarrel originated in a challenge sent by the 
Senecas to the Neutral nation and accepted by the latter, 
and the statement seems to be confirmed by Seneca 
tradition. 



OF THE GREAT LAKES. \\ 

Another account, written in 1648, the year after the 
occurrence, states that a Seneca, on his return from a 
foray against the Tobacco nation, was overtaken and 
killed in the Neutral territory, before he had reached the 
sanctuary of a dwelling. This afforded a pretext for the 
subsequent movements of the Senecas. They sent a party 
of three hundred men, who in apparent friendship visited 
one of the villages of the Neutral nation and were re- 
ceived with the usual hospitality. 

They were distributed among the different dwellings, 
and, at a concerted signal, commenced an indiscriminate 
slaughter of the whole population. 

From this time the war raged between the two nations 
with great severity. In the autumn of 1650, and spring 
of 1651, two frontier villages of the Neutral nation, one 
of which must have been located in this vicinity, were 
sacked and destroyed. The largest contained more than 
sixteen hundred men. All the old men and children 
who were unable to follow the Senecas on their return, 
were put to death, and the others were held in captivity. 

This was the last and decisive blow. Famine soon 
destroyed those spared by the Senecas. The country of 
the Neutral nation was devastated, and their council 
fires were put out forever. Those, who were taken 
prisoners lived for a long time in Gannogarae, a Seneca 
village east of the Genesee river, where they were found 
by Father Fremin in 1669, eighteen years after their 
capture. 



12 INDIAN TRIBES 

Of the Eries, little is known except their location and 
extermination by the Iroquois. They were called the 
" Cat nation " by the French, from the abundance of wild 
cats found in their country. They were not visited by 
the Jesuits but according to all the early and most reliable 
French authorities, they lived within the bounds of the 
present State of Ohio, and near the western extremity of 
Lake Erie. 

The earliest notice of this people that I have met with, 
is contained in the Jesuit Relation for the year 1635. 
Father Le Jeune enumerates them in a catalogue of those 
nations that were accessible to the Jesuits acquainted 
with the Huron tongue. 

Father Ragueneau, in writing from the Huron country 
in 1648, states that "south of the Neuter nation is a 
great lake, almost two hundred leagues in circumference 
called Erie, into which is discharged the ' Fresh sea or 
Lake Huron.' " " This Lake Erie," he continues, "is pre- 
cipitated by a cataract of frightful height, into a third 
lake, called Ontario, and by us St. Louis. This Lake 
Erie was heretofore inhabited on its southern borders by 
a certain people called the Cat nation, who have been 
obliged to withdraw into the interior to avoid their 
enemies. They are a sedentary people. They till the 
soil and speak the Huron tongue." 

A subsequent writer describes their country as " very 
temperate, having little snow or ice in winter." 

A party of Eries visited the Seneca villages east of the 
Genesee in 1653, on an embassy of peace. 



OF THE QBE A T LAKES. \ 3 

By some accident a Seneca was killed by one of the 
Eries. This so offended the Senecas, that they put all the 
ambassadors to death except five who escaped to their 
own country. 

At this period the Eries constituted a powerful nation, 
and could bring two thousand warriors into the field. A 
few Hurons, who, after their dispersion by the Iroquois, 
had found refuge among the Eries, encouraged their ani- 
mosity against the Five Nations, and incited them to re* 
venge the murder of their ambassadors. 

An expedition was accordingly sent into the country of 
the Senecas which destroyed one of their villages. A 
victorious band of Senecas, returning with their spoils 
from the shores of Lake Huron, was intercepted by the 
Eries and their rear guard, consisting of eighty chosen 
men, was put to death. 

The Iroquois were now filled with no little apprehen- 
sion at the prospect of war with so powerful an adver- 
sary, and the energies of the whole confederacy were 
aroused. A detachment of eighteen hundred men was 
equipped and secretly despatched on an expedition 
against the enemy. No sooner had they appeared among 
the Eries, than the greatest consternation ensued. Their 
villages were abandoned to the assailants, who vigorously 
pursued the fugitives. The Eries, with over two thousand 
warriors, besides women and children, being hotly pressed 
by the enemy during a flight of five days, at length en- 
trenched themselves in a fort of palisades. As the pursuers 



14 INDIAN TBIBE8 

approached, two of their chiefs disguised themselves in 
French clothing to frighten the Eries, and advised them 
to surrender. " The Master of life fights for us," said the 
chiefs," and you are lost if you resist." 

" Who is the master of life ? " replied the Eries. " We 
know of none but our right arms and our hatchets." 

The assault commenced ; the palisades were attacked 
on all sides, and the contest continued for a long time with 
great vigor on both sides. 

The Iroquois, having used every exertion to carry the 
fort by storm without success, their warriors being killed 
as fast as they approached, at length resorted to strategem. 
They converted their canoes into shields, and advancing 
under their protection succeeded in reaching the foot of 
the entrenchment. Using their canoes for ladders, they 
climbed the palisades in face of the enemy, who, having 
exhausted their munitions of war, and being intimidated 
by the boldness of the Iroquois, fled in every direction. 

The assailants made an indiscriminate slaughter of 
men, women and children, and rioted in the blood of their 
victims. 

A few fugitive Eries, about three hundred in number, 
having collected together and recruited their energies, 
retraced their steps in hopes of surprising the enemy on 
their return. The pla i was well conceived, but badly 
executed. The first shout of the Iroquois dispersed them, 
never again to rally. 



OF THE GREAT LAKES. 



16 



The loss of the victors in this expedition was very 
severe, but their prisoners more than supplied it. 

The embarrassments attending so great a number of 
wounded and captives, detained them nearly two months 
in the country of the enemy. 

The Eries were thus swept from existence. We hear no 
more of them as a distinct nation, and no memorial of the 
race exists save the lake which now bears their name. 

" Ye say they all have passed away, 

" That noble race and brave, 

" That their light canoes have vanished 

" From off the crested wave. 

" That mid the forest where they roamed, 

'* There rings no hunter's shout, 

" But their name is on our waters, 

" And ye may not loash it outy 




EXPLANATION. 

The map prefixed is a photo-lithographic fac-simile of the 
original which accompanies the edition of the Voyages of Cham- 
plain in New France, printed at Paris, in 1682. 

The numbers 89, 90, 93 appear in the original, and are thus ex- 
plained in a table annexed : 

89. Village renferme de 4 pallisades ou le Sieur de Champlain 
fut a la guerre centre les Antouhonorons, ou il fut pris plusieurs 
prisonniers suavages. 

Translation: Village enclosed within 4 palisades, where the 
Sieur de Champlain was dui-ing the war upon the Antouhonorons, 
and where numerous savages were made prisoners. 

90.' Sault d'eau au bout du Sault Sainct Louis fort hault oil 
plusieurs sortes de poissons descendans s'estourdissent. 

Translation: A waterfall of considerable height, at the end of 
the Sault St. Louis, where several kinds of fish are stunned in their 
descent. 

93, Bois des Chastaigniers ou il y a forces chastaignes sur le 
bord du lac S. Louis et quantite de prairies, vignes et noyers. 

Translation: Woods of chestnut trees, with abundance of chest- 
nuts and extensive meadow lands, with vines and walnut trees on 
the border of Lake St. Louie. 





CHAMPLAIN'S EXPEDITION AGAINST THE ONON- 
DAGAS IN 1615. 

N the year 1615, there dwelt on the south-eastern 
shore of Lake Huron, between Lake Simcoe 
and the Georgian Bay, a nation of Indians 
who were called in their own language, " Wen- 
dats," or " Wyandots," and by the French " Hurons." 
There is no record of their having been visited by the 
white man prior to the above date. In the same year^ 
the Sieur de Champlain, the Father of French colonization 
in America, who had entered the St. Lawrence in 1603 
and founded Quebec five years later, ascended the river 
Ottawa as far as the Huron country — Le Caron, the Fran- 
ciscan, having preceded him by a few days only. These 
adventurous pioneers were seeking, in their respective 
spheres, and by concurrent enterprises, the one to explore 
the western portions of New France, and the other to 
establish missions among the North American Indians. 

The Hurons and their Algonkin allies who dwelt on the 
Ottawa, being at that time engaged in a sanguinary war 
with the confederated Iroquois tribes south of Lake On- 
tario, persuaded Champlain to join them in an expedition 



20 GHAMPLAIN'S EXPEDITION 

which they were projecting into the territories of their 
enemy. The combined forces set out from Ca-i-ha-gu6, 
the chief town of the Hurons, situated between the river 
Severn and Matchedash Bay, on the first day of Sep- 
tember, 1615.^ 

Crossing Lake Simcoe in their bark canoes, they made 
a short portage to the headquarters of the river Trent, 
and descended in its zigzag channel into Lake Ontario. 
Passing from island to island in the group which lies in 
the eastern extremity of that lake, they safely reached its 
southern shore, and landed in the present State of New 
York. Concealing their canoes in the adjacent woods, 
they started overland for their Iroquois enemies. 

In an account of this expedition, read before the New 
York Historical Society in March, 1849, and published in 
its Proceedings for that year,^ I endeavored to establish 
the precise point where the invaders landed, the route 
which they pursued, and the position of the Iroquois fort 
which they besieged. The fact that Champlain had, at 
that early day, visited the central part of the State of 
New York, seemed to have been overlooked by all pre- 
vious writers, and was deemed to be an interesting topic 
for historical investigation. Taking for my guide the 
''edition of Champlain's works pubUshed in 1632, the only 
one then accessible,^ I became satisfied on a careful study 



^ Champlain's voyages. Edition of 1632, p. 251. 

^ Proceedings for 1849, p. 96. 

^ The first account of the expedition was published in 1619. 



AGAINST THE ONOKBAGAS. 21 

of the text alone, the map being lost, that the expedition 
landed at or near Point de Traverse, now called " Stony 
Point," in Jefferson county, and from thence proceeded in 
a southerly direction, and after crossing the Big and Little 
Sandy creeks and Salmon and Oneida rivers, reached the 
Iroquois fort en Onondaga Lake. I fully stated these con- 
clusions in the communication above referred to, and they 
were approved and adopted by several of our American 
historians.^ Other writers, however, of equal note and 
authority, locate the fort as far west as Canandaigua lake.^ 

In view of these considerations, I have been led to re- 
examine the subject, aided by additional sources of infor- 
mation, particularly by the late Abbe Laverdieres recent 
edition of all of Champlain's works. My present purpose 
is to state, briefly, the result of that re-examination, and 
the additional grounds upon which I adhere to my former 
conclusions, I will first, for convenient reference, give a 
literal translation of that part of Champlain's narrative 
which relates to the question. It is taken from the edition 
of 1619, which differs in a few unimportant particulars 
from that of 1632. After describing the voyage until 
their embarkation near the eastern end of Lake Ontario, 



^ Brodhead's History of New York, Vol. I, p. 69; Clark's History 
of Onondaga, Vol. I, p. 253 ; Shea's edition of Charlevoix's Few 
France, Vol. II, p. 28, note. 

"^ O'Calla.a^han's Doc. Hist, of New York, Vol. Ill, p. 10, note ; 
Ferland's Cours D'Histoire du Canada, p. 175; Parkman's Pioneers 
of New France, p. 373; Laverdiere's Works of Champlaiu, p. 528, 
note. 



22 GHAMPLAIN'8 EXPEDITION 

a synopsis of which has already been given, our historian 
says : — ^ 

" We made about fourteen leagues in crossing to the 
other side of the Lake, in a southerly direction, towards 
the territories of the enemy. The Indians concealed all 
their canoes in the woods near the shore. We made by 
land about four leagues, over a sandy beach, where I 
noticed a very agreeable and beautiful country, traversed 
by many small streams, and two small rivers which 
empty into the said Lake. Also many ponds and 
meadows, abounding in an infinite variety of game, 
numerous vines, and fine woods, a great number of chest- 
nut trees, the fruit of which was yet in its covering. 
Although very small, it was of good flavor. All the 
canoes being thus concealed, we left the shore of the Lake, 
which is about eighty leagues long and twenty-five wide, 
the greater part of it being inhabited by Indians along its 
banks, and continued our way by land about twenty- 
five or thirty leagues. During four days we crossed 
numerous streams and a river issuing from a Lake which 
empties into that of the Entoulwnorons. This Lake, 
which is about twenty-five or thirty leagues in circum- 
ference, contains several beautiful islands, and is the place 
where our Iroquois enemies catch their fish, which are 
there in great abundance. On the 9th of October, our 
people being on a scout, encountered eleven Indians 
whom they took prisoners, namely, four women, three 



^ Laverdi^re's Champlain, p. 526. 



AGAINST THE ONONJDAGAS. 23 

boys, a girl, and three men, who were going to the fishery, 
distant four leagues from the enemies' fort. * * The 
next day, about three o'clock in the afternoon, we arrived 
before the fort. * * * Their village was enclosed 
with four strong rows of interlaced palisades, composed of 
large pieces of wood, thirty feet high, not more than 
half a foot apart and near an unfailing body of water. 
* * * We were encamped until the 16th of the 
month. * * * As the five hundred men did not 
arrive,^ the Indians decided to leave by an immediate 
retreat, and began to make baskets in which to carry the 
wounded, who were placed in them doubled in a heap, 
and so bent and tied as to render it impossible for them to 
stir, any more than an infant in its swaddling clothes, 
and not without great suffering, as I can testify, having 
been carried several days on the back of one of our 
Indians, thus tied and imprisoned, which made me lose 
all patience. As soon as I had strength to sustain myself, 
I escaped from this prison, or to speak plainly, from this 
hell. 

" The enemy pursued us about half a league, in order 
to capture some of our rear guard, but their efforts were 
useless and they withdrew. * * * * The retreat 
was very tedious, being from twenty -five to thirty leagues, 
and greatly fatigued the wounded, and those who carried 
them, though they relieved each other from time to time. 



^ A reinforcement they were expecting from the Carantouanais, 
who lived on the sources of the Susquehanna. 



24 CHAMPLAIN'B EXPEDITION 

On the 18th considerable snow fell which lasted but a 
short time. It was accompanied with a violent wind, 
which greatly incommoded us. Nevertheless we made 
such progress, that we reached the banks of the Lake of 
the Entouhonorons, at the place where we had concealed 
our canoes, and which were found all whole. "We were 
apprehensive that the enemy had broken them up."^ 

I will now proceed to examine the reasons which have 
been assigned in favor of locating the Iroquois fort on or 
west of Canandaigua Lake. They are • three-fold, and 
founded on the following assumptions : 1st. That the 
Entoulionorons, whose territory was invaded, were the 
Senecas, then residing on the west of Canandaigua Lake.^ 
2d. That the route, as laid down on the map of Cham- 
plain, which is annexed to the edition of 1632, indicates 
that the fort was on Canandaigua Lake, or on a tribu- 
tary of the Genesee river, and consequently in the Seneca 
country.^ 3d. That the distances traveled by the expe- 
dition, as stated by Champlain, prove that the extreme 
point he reached must have been in the Seneca country.'* 

I will notice these propositions in their order. 1st. In 
regard to the identity of the Entouhonorotis with the 



' Champlaia's Voyages, Ed. 1632, Part I., pp. 254-263. Laver- 
diere's Reprint of the Narrative of 1619, pp. 38-48. 

* Laverdiere's Champlain, Vol. i, p. 521, n. i. Parkman's Pioneers, 
p. 373, n. 

^ O'Callaghan, in Doc. Hist. K Y., Vol. i, p. 10, n. Parkman's 
Pioneers, p. 373. 

* Laverdiere's Champlain, Vol. i, p. 518, n. 



A GAINST THE ONONDA GAS. 25 

Senecas. One of the arguments urged in favor of this 
identity is based on the similarity of name, the Senecas 
being called " Sonontoerrhonons " by the Hurons. But 
the latter called the Onondagas " OnontaerrJionons," which 
bears quite as strong a resemblance to Entouhonorons as 
the name they applied to the Senecas. It may be stated 
here that O'Callaghan, Parkman, Ferland, and Laverdiere, 
each called the tribe in question " Entouhoro;io?zs." 
whereas, Cham plain, in all the editions of his works, refers 
to them invariably as " Entouho?ioro>i5." He never calls 
them " ^niouhoronons " in his text. On the map annexed 
to the edition of 1632, they are named " Anioworonons'' 
but in the iyidex to the map, " Antowhonoromy^ It must, 
therefore, have been from the map, and not from the 
text, that the word " Entouhoronons " was derived. The 
other name, as uniformly given by Champlain in his 
text, we must assume to be correct, in preference to the 
solitary entry on the map.^ 

It is supposed by some that the edition of 1632, which 
contains the map, and is composed of his previous publica- 
tions, was not the work of Champlain, and never passed 

^ Laverdi^re's Champlain, Vol. 2, p. 1392. 

^If it be assumed that the terminations '''• ronons " and " norons " 
are identical, and mere suflfixes, signifying, in the Huron language, 
"people," see Father Bruya's Mohawk Dictionary, p. 18, then, if 
those terminations are dropped from each of the three words, they 
will respectively become " sbnontoe^'' " onontae^'' and " entouho,''^ 
and represent the names of the places where those nations resided. 
Now it cannot be said that there is any stronger resemblance 
between sonontoe and entouho, than between onontae and entouho. 
4 



26 CHAMPLAIN'S EXPEDITION 

under his personal supervision. It is asserted that it was 
compiled by his publisher, Claude Collet,^ to whose care- 
lessness the error in the name, as contained on the map, 
may be attributed. There was no map annexed to the 
edition of 1619, and the one which accompanied that of 
1632 was not constructed until seventeen years after the 
date of the expedition, as appears from a memorandum on 
its face. It may not have been compiled from authentic 
data. One of the discrepancies between it and the text is 
its location of the " Antouoronons,'' not at the Iroquois 
fort, but a long distance west of it, thus making a distinc- 
tion between them and the Iroquois who were listing at 
the fort that is wholly unwarranted by anything con- 
tained in the narrative. It is also worthy of note, that 
the map is not once referred to by Ghamplain in his text. 
Not only was it constructed after all his narratives were 
written, but the index to it was evidently added by some 
other hand. Another argument urged in favor of the 
identity of the Entouhonorons with the Senecas has been 
drawn from the existence of a nation, called by Champlain 
" GJiountouarouoii,'' which is undoubtedly a misprint for 
" Ghonontouarononr^ They are described as living be- 
tween the Hurons of Canada, and the Garantouanais (or 



^ Harrisse, Bibliograpbie de la N. France, p. 66. See also 
Xaverdi^re's Champlain, pp. 637-8. 

'Shea's Charlevoix, Vol. 2, p. 28, n. The letters "n" and "u" 
occur frequently in Indian names, and it is quite difficult to dis- 
tinguish the one from the other in manuscript. Their being often 
mistaken for each other occasions numerous typographical errors. 



AGAINST THE ONONBAGAB. 21 

Andastes), on the Susquehanna.^ Champlain says that, 
" in going from the one to the other, a grand detour is 
necessary, in order to avoid the Ghonontouaronons, which 
is a very strong nation."^ From the name and location, 
they can be no other than the Senecas. 

The Abbe Laverdiere assumes that the Ghouontouar- 
(mons and Entouhonorons are one and the same people.'* 
This cannot be true, for Champlain mentions them both 
in almost the same sentence, and gives to each their re- 
spective names, without a hint of their identity.* Indeed, 
Laverdiere, in support of his theory, is obliged to interpo- 
late a word in the text of Champlain, which is entirely 
superfluous.^ The identity of the Entouhonorons with the 
Senecas, rather than with the Onondagas, cannot therefore 
be established by any supposed similarity of name. 

2d. The next in order for consideration, is the route 
pursued by the expedition, and the site of the Iroquois 
fort, as they are indicated on the map. 

A slight examination of the annexed facsimile of that 
portion of the original map, which relates to this expedi- 
tion, will show it to be wholly unreliable as a guide in 
any investigation of Champlain's route. It is incorrect in 



' Jesuit Relation for 1648. Quebec Reprint, pp. 46-48. 
* Laverdiere's Champlain, p. 522. 
^ Laverdiere's Champlain, p. 521, note i. 
■^Laverdi^re's Champlain, p. 909-910. 
'Laverdiere's Champlain, p. 522, note i. 



28 GHAMPLAIN'S EXPEDITION 

most of its details. Although the original exhibits the 
general outlines of Lakes Ontario and Huron, Lake Erie 
is almost entirely ignored, an irregular strait, bearing 
little resemblance to it, being substituted. Lake Ontario, 
as shown by the facsimile is erroneously represented as 
containing several islands scattered along its northern and 
southern shore, and the Niagara river as running due east 
into its westernmost extremity. The Great Falls are 
located at the very mouth of the river. Everything is 
distorted, and in some places it is scarcely recognizable. 
The supposed route of Champlain is indicated by a dotted 
line, which, crossing Lake Ontario along a chain of imagi- 
nary islands, nearly opposite the mouth of the Oswego 
river, strikes the southern shore at that point. All evi- 
dence that the expedition traversed the " sandy beach " 
which stretches along the Lake shore, south of Stony 
Point, as referred to in the text, is entirely omitted. From 
the mouth of the Oswego, the line pursues a southerly 
direction, and after crossing what appears to be the 
present Seneca river, and another stream, passes between 
two lakes directly to the Iroquois fort. This route, as 
thus shown by the map, is highly improbable, unnecessa- 
rily circuitous, and cannot possibly be reconciled with the 
text of Champlain.^ If the expedition had gone as far 



^ In the facsimile of Champlain's map, published by Tross, in 
Paris, the dotted line, where it should cross Lake Ontario, as shown 
by the original map, is omitted. The same portion of the line is 
also wanting in the facsimile published by Dr. O'Callaghan, in 
Vol. III. of the Documentary History of New York, and by Laver- 



A GAINST THE ONONDA GAS. 29 

west as Canandaigua lake, Champlain would have passed 
near to, and have become acquainted with, the existence 
of no less than eight of those remarkable inland sheets of 
water which form so conspicuous a feature in the scenery 
of central New York, not to mention three others a little 
further west. Only five lakes are indicated on the map, 
and none are mentioned in the narrative, except Oneida 
Lake and the one on which the fort was situated. They 
would certainly have been as worthy of description as the 
" sandy beach," '' the beautiful wooded country," " the 
numerous streams," the Oneida '•' lake and river," and 
" the small lake," adjacent to the Iroquois fort, which 
were met with on the route and noticed in the narrative. 

3d. It is urged, as an additional argument against the 
location of the Iroquois fort in the Onondaga country, 
that the distance of " twenty-five or thirty leagues," 
stated by Champlain to have been traveled by the in- 
vaders after they had landed, as well in going to as in re- 
turning from the fort, necessarily indicates that they must 
have gone at least as far west as Canandaigua Lake. It 
may be said that in stating this distance, Champlain in- 
tended to exclude the " four leagues " which they traveled 
over " a sandy beach," immediately after they had con- 
cealed their canoes, thus making from twenty-nine to 
thirty-four leagues in all. But this cannot be a fair con- 



di^re, in his recent edition of Champlain's works. Tlie islands in 
the eastern end of Lake Ontario, as represented on the original map, 
are also entirely omitted oh Dr. 0'Callaghan's/ac-s^m^7e. 



30 CHAMPLAIR'S EXPEDITION 

struction of his language. He says, " We made about 
fourteen leagues in crossing the lake in a southerly direc- 
tion. The Indians concealed all their canoes in the woods 
near the shore. We traveled by land some four leagues 
over a sandy beach." A little further on he continues : 
"All the canoes being concealed, we proceeded by land 
about twenty-five or thirty leagues during four days." He 
thus includes the " four leagues " in the four days' travel 
of " twenty-five or thirty leagues." 

The above construction is justified by the further state- 
ment, that the same distance of " twenty-five or thirty 
leagues" was traveled by the expedition on its return 
from the fort to the canoes, referring to the whole dis- 
tance. " The retreat," he says, " was very tedious, being 
from twenty-five to thirty leagues, and greatly fatigued 
the wounded and those who bore them, although they 
relieved each other from time to time." Yet this retreat 
must have been accomplished in two days, half the time it 
took to reach the fort from the landing, for he states they 
were encamped before the fort until the 16th of October, 
and reached their canoes on the IStli.-^ Charlevoix says 
they did not stop during their retreat^ — a physical im- 
possibility, certainly, if they had started from a point as 
far west as Canandaigua Lake. This assertion of Charle- 
voix does not appear to be warranted by the narrative of 
Champlain. 



^ Laverdi^re's Champlain, p. 526. 

* Charlevoix's N. France, Vol. I., p. 241. Edition of 1744. 



A GAINST THE ONONDA GAS. 31 

Those writers who, relying on the map, locate the fort 
on Canandaigua Lake, lose sight of the fact that it dis- 
charges its waters into Lake Ontario through the Clyde, 
Seneca and Oswego rivers, whereas the map places the 
fort on a stream which empties into Lake Ontario at a 
point much further west. In considering the question of 
distance, it must be borne in mind, that the attacking 
party was on foot, advancing cautiously towards a formid- 
able enemy, in a hostile and unexplored country, desti- 
tute of roads and abounding in dense forests, numerous 
rivers and miry swamps. Under such circumstances, 
incumbered as they were with their implements of war 
and other eifects, their progress must have been slow. 
The distances which are given by Champlain, being 
measured only by time, are consequently over-estimated. 
On their retreat, they had become more familiar with the 
country, and under the stimulus of an enemy in the rear, 
accomplished their return with much greater rapidity. 
From Stony Point where they landed, to Onondaga Lake, 
following in part the beach of Lake Ontario, is fifty-three 
miles, by the shortest possible line, as measured on a relia- 
ble map. But it would have been impossible for such an 
expedition to pursue so direct a course, owing to the 
necessity of moving circumspectly, and of seeking the most 
convenient and practicable route through an unknown 
wilderness. It would not be unreasonable to deduct at 
least one-fifth from the number of leagues stated by 
Champlain, in order to arrive at the actual air line dis- 
tance between the place where he landed and the Iroquois 



32 GHAMPLAIWB EXPEDITION 

fort.^ If, therefore, we take one-fifth from twenty-seven 
and a half leagues, which is the mean of the two distances 
given by Champlain, it will leave twenty-two leagues, or 
fifty-three and a half miles, as the true distance, measured 
on an air line. As an example of over-estimates by 
Champlain himself, reference may be had to the width of 
Lake Ontario, which he says is " twenty-five leagues," an 



^ Champlain's distances are stated in " leagues." Several, differ- 
ing in length, were used by the French, under that name. Among 
them were the " lieue de po&te " of 2^^ English miles ^the " lieue 
moyenrie " of 2^^ English miles, and the " lieue geographique " of 
8^3j. English miles. It is important, in discussing this question, to 
determine the length of the one used by Champlain. Neither his 
narrative, nor feis map of 1632, affords any light on the subject. 
There is inscribed on a map published in Paris in 1664, entitled : 
" Le Canada fait par le Sr. de Champlain * * suivant les Memoires 
de P. du Val," a scale of Lieues Francoises chacune de 2,500 pas 
giomitriquesy It is fair to presume that the length of the league 
as given on this map is identical with the one used by Champlain. 
As a geometrical pace is lii^ French metres, or Sy^/^t l^nglish feet, 
it follows that Champlain's league must be 2^^ English miles, 
differing slightly from the length of the lieue de poste as above 
stated. This conclusion would account for the discrepancy which 
has arisen from calling the old French league equivalent to three 
English miles. The English miles, stated in the text, have been 
computed on the basis of two and a half to a French league. 
Even if there were three, it would not change the result, or carry 
the expedition west of Onondaga Lake. By reckoning the league 
as equivalent to two aifd a half miles, many supposed discrepan- 
cies of early French travelers in America are reconciled, and their 
over-estimates of distances explained. 



A GAINST THE ONONDA GAS. 33 

excess of one-fifth.^ Also to the circumference of Oneida 
Lake, which he states at twenty-five or thirty leagues," an 
excess of one-fourth. Numerous other examples might 
be cited. 

It may be interesting, in this connection, to compare 
Champlain's statement with those of the Jesuit Dablon, who 
traveled twice over the same route in 1655 and 1656, under 
much more favorable circumstances for correctly estimating 
the distances. He informs us that, in company with 
Father Chaumonot, he left Montreal on the 7th day of 
October, 1655, for the Onondaga country, and reached 
" Otihatangue '' (the mouth of Salmon river) by canoe on 
the 29th of the same month.^ That he landed the next 
day, and prepared to go on foot to Onondaga. That on 
the first day of November, after going '•'Jive good leagues" 
he encamped for the night on the banks of a small stream. 
Early the next day he continued his journey for " six or 
seven leagues and encamped for the night in the open air. 
On the third, before sunrise, he resumed his way, and 
reached " Tethiroguen" which he describes as " a river 
which issues from Lake Qoienho" (Oneida Lake), and " re- 
markable as a rendezvous for a great number of fishermen." 
Here he passed the night in an Indian cabin. The distance 
traveled this day is not stated, but we may assume it to 
have been six leagues, which is about the average of the 
other days. On the fourth he went " about six leagues" 



^ Laverdi^re's Champlain, p. 527. 

* Relation of 1656, p. V. Quebec edition. 



34 CRAMFLAIN'S EXPEDITION 

and passed the night in an "open country," ''four leagues,'' 
from Onondaga. On the fifth of November he reached the 
latter place,^ having spent five days in traveling from the 
mouth of Salmon river, a distance, according to the narra- 
tive, of twenty-seven and a- half leagues. Inasmuch, how- 
ever, as the Iroquois fort is claimed to have been on Onon- 
daga Lake, five leagues north of the ancient village of 
• Onondaga,^ which the Jesuit reached on the fifth of 
November, the said five leagues should, for the purpose of 
comparison with Champlain, be deducted from the above 
twenty-seven and a-half leagues. To the resulting differ- 
ence should be added, for the same reason, six and a-half 
leagues, being the distance from Stony Point to the mouth 
of the Salmon river, thus making, from the said Point to 
the fort, according to the Jesuit narrative, twenty-nine 
and a-half leagues, which is a little short of the extreme 
distance of thirty leagues stated by Champlain. 

Leaving Ghaumonot at Onondaga, Dablon set out on his 
return to Quebec on the second day of March, 1656,^ over 
nearly the same route, and traveled that day five leagues. 
On the third he rested on account of the rain. On the 
fourth he traveled six leagues to Oneida Lake. Fearing 
to venture on the thin ice, he spent the next day on its 
banks. On the sixth, it was sufiiciently frozen to enable 
him to cross at a point where the lake was a league and 

^ Onondaga was situated a few miles south of the present city of 
Syracuse. 

* Jesuit Relation for 1657, p. 14. Quebec edition. 
^ Jesuit Relation for 1656, p. 35. Quebec edition. 



A GAINST THE ONONDA GAS. 35 

a-half broad. He reached the mouth of Salmon river on 
the eighth, a little before noon, consummg m travel, ex- 
elusive of detentions, four and a-half days. The rate of 
progress, after crossing Oneida Lake, is not given, but 
estimating six leagues as an average day's travel, would 
make twenty-six leagues from the Onondaga village to the 
mouth of Salmon river. After allowing the same deduc- 
tions and additions as in the case of his previous trip it 
would leave twenty-seven and a-half leagues, which is the 
mean of the two distances stated by Champlam. By thus 
comparing Champlain's estimates with those of the Jesmt, 
it will be readily seen that the expedition of the former 
could not possibly have extended west of Onondaga Lake. 
Having thus examined the reasons which have been 
urged in favor of locating the fort in question on Seneca 
territory, founded on the similarity between the names 
which the Hurons bestowed on the Iroquois and the Jin- 
touhonorons, and also the reasons for such location, based 
on the course of the " dotted line " laid down on Cham- 
plain's map, between the point where he landed and the 
said fort, and on the distances which Champlam states 
were traveled by him, between the same pomts,it now 
remains to state and consider the objections which exist 
against placing the location of the fort as far west as the 
Seneca country. 

1st The actual distance between the place of landing 
and the foot of Canandaigua Lake, measured on the 
shortest possible line, is ninety-six miles, or thirty-eight 
and a.half leagues. It would be absurd, however, to 



36 CHAMPLAIN'S EXPEDITION 

suppose that the expedition could have followed so direct 
a course. On the contrary, in accomplishing the distance 
to the fort, it must have passed over, as stated on a pre- 
vious page, at least one-fifth more than a straight line 
between the said points. This fact, without allowing 
anything for Champlain's over-estimate, would, in case the 
objective point were Canandaigua Lake, make the distance 
actually traveled at least forty-six leagues, or not less than 
one hundred and fifteen miles. If, as is claimed by some 
the fort were still further west, on a tributary of the 
Genesee,-^ it would add several leagues more to the diffi- 
culty. 2d. The design of the expedition was to attack an 
Iroquois tribe living south of Lake Ontario. The assail- 
ants were the Hurons, living on the eastern shore of the 
lake which bears their name. They started from their 
principal village, which was situated west of Lake Simcoe, 
on the borders of the Huron country nearest to the Iro- 
quois.^ 

Now, if it were their object to attack the Senecas, the 
shortest and most feasible route to reach them would have 
been either in a southerly direction around the western 
extremity of Lake Ontario, through the territory of the 
friendly Neuter nation, who then lived on both sides of 
the Niagara, or by canoe directly across the lake, or by 
coasting along its western shore, landing, in either case, 



* Laverdi^re's Cham plain, p. 528, note i. 

* Jesuit Relation, 1640, p. 90, Quebec edition. Laverdi^re's Cham- 
plain, p. 518, note i. 



AGAINST THE ONONDAGAS. 37 

near the mouth of the Genesee river. The fact that the 
expedition chose the circuitous and toilsome route by the 
river Trent, through crooked lakes and torturous channels, 
involving numerous portages, and traveled eastward for 
the entire length of Lake Ontario, crossing its eastern 
extremity in search of an enemy on its south side, affords 
a strong presumption that the enemy thus sought was 
located near that eastern extremity. 3d. If the object 
were to attack the Senecas, the Hurons and their allies 
would hardly have chosen a route which would separate 
them so far from their canoes, at the risk of being out- 
flanked by the watchful and kindred Iroquois tribes whom 
they must pass on the way. After crossing the eastern 
end of Lake Ontario, it would have been much less hazard- 
ous and fatiguing to have coasted along its southern shore 
to Irondequoit bay, from whence the Senecas could easily 
be reached, as they were by Gallin^e in 1669, and by 
De Nonville in 1687. 

Having examined the arguments which have been urged 
in favor of the location of the Iroquois fort in the country 
of the Senecas, and noticed a few of the principal objec- 
tions against it, some of the affirmative proofs, establishing 
its site on or near Onondaga Lake, remain to be con- 
sidered, 

A careful examination of Champlain's narrative will 
show that, as before stated, he must have landed on 
what has been designated as " Pointe de Traverse " or 
" Stony Point," ^ in Jefferson county. It is the nearest 
and most feasible landing from the islands which are 



38 CHAMPLAIN' 8 EXPEDITION 

grouped in the eastern extremity of Lake Ontario, and 
along which the expedition undoubtedly passed before 
reaching its southern shore .^ It is well known that from 
the earliest times the Indians and voyageurs, as they 
crossed the Lake in rough weather, availed themselves of 
the protection of those islands. They form a continuous 
chain, stretching from shore to shore, embracing the 
Inner Ducks, Outer Ducks, Great Galloo, Little Galloo, 
Calf and Stony Islands. The distances between them 
are unequal, in no case exceeding seven miles. The ex- 
pedition could not easily have landed directly upon the 
point in question, as it presents a perpendicular rocky bluff, 
washed at its base by the lake, and forms a bold and in- 
surmountable barrier for some distance in either direction. 
By passing around the northern extremity of the point, 
now called " six town point," a safe and sheltered bay is 
accessible, at the bottom of which is the present harbor 
of Henderson. This convenient and secluded position 
was undoubtedly chosen by Champlain and his com- 
panions as a favorable point for leaving and concealing 
their canoes.^ Having accomplished their debarkation, 
the invaders followed, for four leagues in a southerly 



^ Champlain says, " There were large, fine islands on the pas- 
sage." — Laverdiere's Champlain, p. 526. 

* A natural landing place of rock formation, existed there in olden 
time, known as the " Indian Wharf." A trail or portage road, 300 
rods long, led from the landing to Stony Creek. See French's N. Y. 
State Gazetteer, p. 358. MS. letter of the Hon. Wm. C. Pierre- 
pont, of Pierrepont manor, to the author. 



AGAIlSrST THE ONONDAGAS. 39 

direction, the sandy beach which still borders the lake as 
far south as Salmon river. It is about six and a-half 
leagues from Stony Point to that river. The many small 
streams and ponds mentioned by Champlain can easily be 
identified by the aid of a correct map. The '' two small 
rivers" are undoubtedly those now known as the Big 
Sandy creek and Salmon river. The invaders were four 
days from the time of their landing in reaching the 
Iroquois fort. The narrative states that after passing the 
two small rivers above mentioned, " they crossed another 
issuing from a lake, which empties into that of the Entou- 
honoronsr^ This undoubtedly refers to Oneida river and 
Lake. " This Lake," says the narrative, " is about 
twenty-five or thirty leagues in circumference,^ contains 
beautiful islands, and is the place where the Iroquois 
catch their fish, which are there in abundance." After 
crossing Oneida river, the scouts encountered and cap- 
tured a party of Iroquois, " going to the ^fishery, distant 
four leagues from the enemy s fort." This locates the fort 
four leagues south of the outlet of Oneida Lake. The 
latter point was always a noted resort for Salmon fishery 
in the early history of the country. It is so referred to in 
one of Dablons Journals above quoted, and in many other 
early narratives. 

The expedition must have met the party of Iroquois, 
which included women and children, not far from the 
fishery and the village, which were only about four 

^ Lake Ontario. 

* These dimensions, are, as usual, over- stated. 



40 CHAMPLAIN'8 EXPEDITION 

leagues or ten miles apart. They were probably going 
from the latter to the former. This was on the 9th of 
October. On the next day, at 3 P. m., they reached the 
fort. It would have required two or three days more 
time, and sixty miles more of hard marching, to have 
arrived at Canandaigua Lake. 

It is impossible, from the meagre details given by 
Champlain, to ascertain the precise locality of the fort. 
He places it near a small lake, and there is no site more 
probable, nor one which corresponds in more particulars 
to Champlain's description, than the banks of Onondaga 
Lake. The late Joshua V. H. Clark, author of the 
" History of Onondaga," states that traces of an ancient 
Indian fortification were discovered by the first settlers, 
on the east side of that lake, near the present village of 
Liverpool. These may have been the remains of the fort 
in question. There is reason to believe that Monsieur 
Dupuis and his companions, including several Jesuit 
missionaries, occupied the same locality in 1656. It is 
described by the Jesuits^ as a beautiful, convenient and 
advantageous eminence, overlooking Lake Gannentaa 
(Onondaga Lake) and all the neighboring country, and 



^ On the first settlement of the country, the outlines of a fortifica- 
tion at this point were plainly visible, of which a sketch was made 
in 1797, by Judge Geddes, then Deputy Surveyor General of New 
York. A copy is given in the second volume of Clark's Onondaga, 
page 147. A spring exists, at the present time, near the site of the 
fort, called Gannentaa Spring. 



AGAIN8T THE ONONDAGAS. 41 

abounding in numerous fresh water springs.^ Its dis- 
tance from the chief village of the Onondagas, where 
burned from time immemorial the ancient council fire of 
the Iroquois Confederacy, is stated to be four leagues, 
which would indicate that its location must have been 
near Liverpool. 

It is also supposed that the Count de Fwntenac en- 
camped in the same place, when he invaded the Onondaga 
country in 1696, and that Col. Van Schaick occupied the 
identical ground while on his expedition against the 
Onondagas in 1779.^ It was a position which undoubtedly 
commended itself to the sagacious Iroquois as eminently 
suitable for a defensive structure, and was thus early 
used for that purpose. 

In the discussion of this question, I have endeavored 
fully and fairly to present the points, and to give due 
force to the arguments which have been urged in favor of 
the identity of the Entouhonorons with the Senecas, and 
of the location of the Iroquois fort in the territory of the 
latter. It is submitted that the weight of testimony is 
decidedly, if not conclusively, against those propositions, 
and that we must look on the banks of the Onondaga 
Lake, in the heart of the central canton of the great 
Iroquois Confederacy, for the site of that rude fortification 
which, more than two centuries and a half ago, so bravely 



^Relation 1657, p. 14. Quebec edition. 

* Clark's Onondaga, Vol. I, p. 256. 
6 



42 



CHAMPLAIN'S EXPEDITION' 



and successfully resisted the allied Hurons and Algonkins 
of the north-west, aided by Champlain and his firearms, 
and after repeated assaults and a siege of several days 
compelled the assailants to abandon the enterprise, and 
retreat ignominiously from the Iroquois country. 







CHAMPLAIN'S EXPEDITION OF 1615. 

REPLY TO DR. SHEA AND GENERAL CLARK. ^ 

HE first number of this magazine (Jan., 1877) 
contains an article on the Expedition of Cham- 
plain against the Onondagas, in 1615. It was 
founded on a communication read before the 
New York Historical Society in March, 1849, in which I 
had discussed the evidences which exist as to the route of 
the expedition, and the site of the Iroquois fort which it 
besieged. My position having been questioned by several 
eminent historians, who claimed a more western location for 
the fort, the main object of my last article was to fortify 
my former conclusions. In it I endeavored to trace Cham- 
plain's route across Lake Ontario to its south shore, and 
from thence to his objective point. While my location of 
the fort in the Onondaga, rather than the Seneca country, 
has generally been approved, some difference of opinion is 
entertained as to its exact site, as well as to the precise 
route by which it was reached. 



1 First published in the " Magazine of American History,'^ Aug., 

187 S.— Ml. 



44 GHAMPLAIN'S EXPEDITION 

General James S. Clark, of Auburn, in a paper read 
before the Buffalo and New York Historical Societies, and 
Georges Geddes, Esq., of Camillus, in an article in the last 
September number of this magazine, Yol. I, p 521, while 
they agree that the site was in the Onondaga country, 
dissent from my views in other particulars. Dr. John 
Gilmary Shea, in a recent article in the Penn Historical 
Magazine, Vol. II., p. 102, coincides in the main with Gen- 
eral Clark. I am glad that a writer of Dr. Shea's ability 
has taken the field. I have read his .paper attentively, 
and fail to see that it has disproved any of my main 
positions. 

It may be proper to state that General Clark's address, 
thus reviewed and endorsed by Dr. Shea, has never been 
published. It was delivered before the above societies 
during my absence in Europe. Since my return, I have 
endeavored, without success, to obtain a copy. I can only 
judge of its contents from the references in Dr. Shea's re- 
view. That the general is accurately quoted therein, 
may be inferred from his having reproduced the article, 
with verbal corrections, in an Auburn journal. 

In a published address, delivered last September before 
the Pioneers' Association at Syracuse, General Clark stated 
the conclusions to which his investigations had led him, 
but gave no facts or arguments to support them. In doing 
so, he used the following emphatic language : 

" I claim especially to understand the record of Cham- 
plain by following his narrative verbatim et literatim^ and 
accepting his estimates of distances, his map and illustra- 



GHAMPLAIN'S EXPEDITION' 45 

tions. I stand on no uncertain ground. I understand 
this question thoroughly. I know that I am right. I 
desire no misunderstanding on this question. I take the 
affirmative and throw down the gauntlet to all comers ; 
and if any choose to enter the list, I have the most un- 
bounded confidence that it will not be me that will be 
borne from the field discomfited. I identify the site as 
certainly as any gentleman present can identify his wife at 
the breakfast table after ten years of married life," etc., etc. 

It is to be regretted that General Clark has not accom- 
panied his challenge, so forcibly stated, with the proofs 
and reasons on which he relies. The public could then 
judge whether such historians as O'Callaghan, Parkman, 
Broadhead, Laverdiere and his neighbor Geddes are, as he 
asserts, mistaken in their conclusions. It is quite evident 
that General Clark is an enthusiast in his Study of Abo- 
riginal History. A certain amount of zeal may be desir- 
able in the investigation of such subjects, but conscientious 
convictions, however decidedly entertained, are not always 
in harmony with just conclusions. It is only by patient 
and candid investigation, by comparing, weighing and sift- 
ing the evidence, that historical truth can be elicited. 

I will consider in their order : First. The authenticity 
and accuracy of the map. Second. The starting point of 
the Expedition on Lake Ontario. Third. The route across 
the lake. Fourth. The landing on the south shore. Fifth. 
The march on the beach. • Sixth. The inland route to the 
fort. Seventh. The location of the fort. 



46 GHAMPLAIN'S EXPEDITION 

The authenticity and accuracy of the map. — In order 
to account for the many manifest discrepancies between 
Champlain's text of 1619 and the map annexed to the 
edition of 1632, I suggested that the map and the latter 
edition were not the work of Champlain and never passed 
under his personal supervision. I gave my reasons for 
this opinion on pages 5 and 6, Vol. I, of this magazine. 

Dr. Shea replies to this, that " the map is evidently 
Champlain's, and he was too good a hydrographer for us 
to reject his map as a guide for parts he actually visited." 
This, however, is assuming the authenticity of the map, 
the very point in issue, without noticing the objections I 
advanced. If the map were actually constructed by Cham- 
plain, it is of course competent evidence, without however 
being conclusive where it differs from the text. It is not 
possible, however, to reconcile the two. Where they dis- 
agree, one or the other must yield, and in accordance with 
well settled rules of evidence, the text must govern. 

The most competent critics who have examined the 
edition of 1632, to which alone the map is annexed, in- 
cluding Laverdiere, Margry and Harrisse, agree that it 
bears internal evidence of having been compiled, by a 
foreign hand, from the various editions previously pub- 
lished. No map accompanied the original narrative of 
the expedition, published in 1619. 

I claim that by inspection and comparison with reliable 
topographical maps of the country traversed by Cham- 
plain, no ingenuity can torture the dotted line on the 
chart into an accurate representation of the route he 



CHAMPLAIN'8 EXPEDITION 47 

pursued, as described in his text. The discrepancies will 
be indicated, as the various points on the route are passed 
in review. 

I trust my readers will follow my argument with the 
Cham plain fac-dmile, which is annexed to my article in 
Vol. I of this magazine, and a reliable chart of the easterly 
end of Lake Ontario. All my measurements are taken 
from the Lake Survey Charts, recently published by the 
United States Government, and the most reUable maps 
attainable of Jefferson, Oswego, Onondaga and Madison 
counties. 

The starting point. — The narrative states that the 
expedition descended what is now known as Trent River, 
which empties into Lake Ontario, and after short days' 
journeys, reached the border of Lake Ontario. It then 
proceeds. I give the original French, as Champlain's 
works are quite rare, and a copy from the edition of 1619, 
modernizing the old French orthography : " ou etans, 
nous fimes la traverse en I'un des bouts, tirant a I'orient, 
qui est I'entree de la grande riviere St. Laurens, par la 
hauteur de quarante-trois degres de latitude, oil il y a 
de belles iles fort grandes en ce passage." 

Where then was the starting point of the expedition ? 
Gen. Clark says "Kingston." Dr. Shea says, "from a 
peninsula beyond (east of?) Quint6 Bay, on the north 
shore," agreeing with Gen. Clark that it must have been 
at Kingston. There is some confusion among geographers 
as to the extent of Quinte Bay. Some represent it as 
reaching to Kingston. 



48 GSAMPLAIN'ti EXPEDITION 

Quints Bay proper, according to the best authorities, 
extends no farther eastward than the eastern extremity 
of Prince Edward Peninsula, called Point Pleasant. It is 
often called the River Trent, being as it were an exten- 
sion of that stream. 

Champlain evidently considered, and correctly so, that 
when he had passed Point Pleasant, he had arrived at the 
Lake. He says that the river he descended " forms the 
passage into the lake," and a little farther on " we traveled 
by short days' journeys as far as the border of Lake 
Ontario, where having arrived, we crossed," &c. 

Having fixed the starting point at Kingston, Gen. 
Clark claims that from thence he " ran east a distance not 
given, thence southerly to a point fourteen leagues (35 
miles) from the commencement of the River St. Lawrence." 
Champlain says, the crossing embraced fourteen leagues. 
How the starting point at Kingston, much less the ex- 
tension of the route eastward from Kingston, is "recon- 
ciled with the map," does not appear. 

I claim the starting point to have been opposite the 
eastern end of Point Pleasant, and in this I am sustained 
by both map and text. 

According to the text, the crossing began as soon as 
they reached the lake, and that occurred when they 
passed out of the river (or bay) at Point Pleasant. 
Champlain does not say that they went an inch east of 
that Point. I quite agree with Dr. Shea's translation of 
the words " tirant a I'orient," and of the passage in which 
it occurs. Those words have no reference to the direction 



GHAMPLAIN'S EXPEDITION. 49 

pursued by Champlain but to the end of the lahe which he 
crossed. 

" Having arrived at the borders of the lake, we crossed," 
he says, " one of its extremities which, extending eastward, 
forms the entrance of the great River St. Lawrence, in 43 
degrees of latitude, where there are very large beautiful 
islands on the passage." I suggested this interpretation 
some months ago to the Superintendent of the translation 
of Champlain's Voyages of 1603, 1613 and 1619, now 
being made for the Prhice Society. I am inclined to be- 
lieve that General Clark's extension of the route east- 
ward to Kingston, originated in a mistranslation of those 
words. His construction of the route certainly requires- 
" tirant a V orient" to refer to the direction pursued by Cham- 
plain, which is in conflict with Dr. Shea's translation,, 
while the route I propose is in entire harmony with it. 

Dr. Shea further says, " That Champlain was actually 
at the head of the St. Lawrence, of which he gives the 
latitude, seems almost certain. For one who had founded 
a trading settlement on the lower river, the examination 
and exact locating of the head of the river, when he was 
so near it, seem imperatively demanded." 

It must be remembered, however, that Champlain was 
on a war expedition, aided by only a few of his own 
countrymen, with several hundred Huron and Algonkin 
warriors, approaching a hostile country. Under such 
circumstances he would hardly have gone so far east, and 
so much out of his way, to make geographical or hydro- 
7 



50 CHAMPLAIN'8 EXPEDITION. 

graphical observations, either during a cautious approach 
or a hurried retreat. 

Although Champlain gives the latitude of the entrance 
of the river, instead of that furnishing an argument in 
favor of his having been there, its effect is directly the 
reverse, for the latitude which he records at forty-three 
degrees is quite erroneous, and would place the entrance 
as far south as Syracuse. The true latitude is 44° 6', a 
difference of over a degree. A gross error for a Captain 
in the French marine to make from actual observation. 

The route across the lake. — If I am right in j5xing 
the starting point opposite Point Pleasant, it would follow, 
both from the text and the map, that the route extended 
southerly, between that point and Amherst Island, to the 
False Ducks, and along the Main Duck, Galloo, and Stony 
Islands, which stretch across the lake in the direction of 
Stony Point. That this was the course pursued may be 
inferred from the following considerations : 

First. On examining the Champlain map, the line in- 
dicating the route starts from the northern shore of the 
lake, and passes directly south between Point Pleasant 
and the first island easterly therefrom, which would cor- 
respond with Amherst Island. The next island on the 
map east of Amherst Island would correspond with 
Simcoe Island, and the next, lying in the entrance of the 
river, would correspond with Wolf or Long Island. These 
three islands constitute all that are represented on the 
map as lying in the east end of the lake, except those 
along which I claim that the expedition crossed. 



GHAMPLAIN'S EXPEDITION. 51 

Now if, as claimed by General Clark, the crossing was 
along Simcoe, Wolf and Grenadier Islands, which closely 
hug the eastern shore of the lake, then those islands 
would have been so represented on the map. The chain 
of islands along which they did pass, as shown by the 
dotted line, are laid down at some distance from the 
eastern shore. If it be claimed that the map refers to 
the inner ones lying close to the eastern shore, then the 
outer chain, equally conspicuous and in plain sight of the 
others, are not represented at all. To a party crossing the 
outer or western chain, the islands lying in-shore would 
scarcely be distinguishable from the adjacent land, while 
the outer chain, with nothing behind them but the open 
lake, could easily be seen from the inner islands. I am 
aware that the dotted line on the map exhibits a general 
southerly course, but the expedition, following the islands 
indicated by me, fulfills the conditions of the text, by cross- 
ing from the north to the south side of the lake, and for 
nelrly a third of the way on a due south course. The 
map is on an exceedingly small scale, rudely drawn and 
nowhere preserves with any accuracy the points of com- 
pass in representing either the crossing of the lake, or 
the inland route as claimed by General Clark. Where 
the map and text are irreconcilable, the former must be 
rejected. It could not be expected that a chart, 33 inches 
long by 20 inches wide, embracing a territory extending 
from Newfoundland to Lake Superior, and from the 
frozen ocean to the Carolinas, could exhibit a route like 
that traveled by Champlain, on a scale of sixty miles to 
the inch, without presenting numerous discrepancies. 



52 CRAMPLAIN'S EXPEDITION. 

They are so gross, even in those places actually visited by 
Champlain, that it is difficult to see how he could possibly 
have been its author. It was not drawn in reference to 
this special expedition of 1615, but to illustrate all his 
voyages in America. Second. Champlain says, on 
arriving at the northern bank of the lake, " Nous fimes 
la traverse " — " we crossed it." He does not intimate 
that he coasted along its northern border for 22 miles, and 
then again around its eastern shore. Effect must be 
given to the expression, " We crossed it." Third. Cham- 
plain gives the distance he consumed in crossing as four- 
teen leagues, or thirty-five miles. " Nous fimes environ 
quatorze lieues pour passer jusques a I'autre cote du lac, 
tirant au sud, vers les terres des ennemis," The actual 
distance by the way of the Ducks, Galloo, Calf and Stony 
Islands to Stony Point, where tliey would first reach land, 
is 381 miles. To Henderson Bay it is 44 miles ; to Stony 
Creek Cove, 42 miles ; to Little Sandy Lake, 53^ miles. 
The actual distance from the same starting point, via 
Kingston and Simcoe, Wolf, Grenadier and Stony Islands, 
to Little Sandy Lake, is 70 miles, and from Kingston, 
48 i miles. 

From this it appears that the actual distances] on all 
the supposed routes exceed in each instance Champlain's 
estimate. It will be noticed, however, that the excess is 
the greatest on the route claimed by General Clark. The 
probabilities, therefore, so far as relates to the length of 
the crossing, as given by Champlain, are in favor of the 
route I have suggested. Fourth. The expedition coming 



CHAMPLAIN'S EXPEDITION. 53 

from the west^ would naturally use the shortest route to 
reach its destination. That parties were accustomed to 
cross by the chain of Ducks, Galloo, Calf and Stony 
Islands, is substantiated by the traditions of the Canada 
Indians. Hence, the point on the peninsula from which 
they embarked, was named by the French voyageurs, 
Point Traverse, and is so called to this day. The islands 
lying along the eastern shore of the lake were used by 
Indians and voyageurs ascending or descending the St. 
Lawrence. 

The landing. — I suggested in my article that the ex- 
pedition probably landed in the secluded cove now known 
as Henderson Bay, sheltered by Stony Point. Not that 
the text or map of Champlain indicates that, or any 
other particular place with any certainty, but 

First. Because it appeared a convenient and appropriate 
locality. It did not seem probable that Champlain, accom- 
panied by so large an army, would boldly land on an 
enemy's shore, exposed to observation for twenty miles in 
two directions, with scarcely a hope of successfully con- 
cealing the canoes which were so essential for his return 
voyage. Second. Because Henderson Bay, long previous 
to the settlement of the country, had been a favorite land- 
ing place for the Indians passing to and from Canada, as 
is well attested by tradition. The name of " Indian 
Wharf" still bears witness to the fact. A portage road 
led from the landing to Stony Creek, called by the French 
the "riviere a Monsieur le Comte." That the expedition 
landed there, was a mere suggestion derived from the 



54 CHAMPLAIR'S EXPEDITION. 

probabilities of the case. I do not insist upon it. In good 
weather an equally favorable landing could have been 
made in the small cove at the mouth of Stony Creek, 
though not so secluded from observation. It is not possi- 
ble, from the meagre details of the narrative, to state with 
any certainty, much less to prove the exact point of land- 
ing. That it took place at Little Sandy Lake, selected 
by General Clark, is not probable, and for the following 
reasons : 

Assuming for the present what I expect to prove in the 
sequel — that the expedition followed the sandy beach of 
the lake no farther south than Salmon river, where it left 
for the interior — we must look, according to the text of 
Champlain, for the following conditions between the places 
where he landed and where he left for the interior. 

The march on the beach. — Champlain says : " Les 
sauvages cacherent tous leurs'canauxdans les bois, proche 
du rivage. Nous fimes par terre quelques quatre lieues 
sur une plage de sable, ou je remarquai un pays fort agre- 
able et beau, travers6 de plusieurs petits ruisseaux, et deux 
petites rivieres, qui se dechargent au susdit lac, et force 
etangs et prairies." " The Indians concealed all their 
canoes in the woods near the shore. We proceeded by 
land about four leagues over a sandy beach, where I ob- 
served a very agreeable and beautiful country, intersected 
by many small brooks and two small rivers which empty 
into the said lake, and many lakelets and meadows." 

On referring to the map, we find it furnishes nothing in 
addition to the above, except it represents three small 



CJSAMPLAIN'S EXPEDITION. 55 

bodies of water as lying along the route parallel with the 
shore, which are undoubtedly those referred to by Cham- 
plain under the name of " Etangs." There are still exist- 
ing three such collections of water between Stony Point 
and Salmon river, two of which are known by the name 
of North and South ponds, and the largest by the name of 
Little Sandy Lake, The latter is about 3,000 acres in 
extent. Dr. Shea says : " General Clark identifies the 
three small lakes noted on the map, as North and South 
Ponds, in Jefferson county, and Little Sandy Lake." But 
if Champlain landed at Little Sandy Lake as claimed by 
General Clark, he would not have passed by North and 
South Ponds, as they lie north of that landing. The 
probabilities exist, therefore, that the landing took place 
farther north, and either in Henderson Bay, or at the 
mouth of Stony Creek, as before stated. 

Dr. Shea says : " Mr. Marshall holds that the expedition 
passed Salmon river. The next stream is Salmon Creek, 
which Mr. Marshall holds is the Oswego." Dr. Shea has 
entirely misunderstood me in this particular. I claimed 
that the expedition left the lake at Salmon River. I did 
not even name Salmon Creek, nor did I state that the ex- 
pedition ascended or even saw the Oswego river. I said 
that it crossed from the mouth of Salmon river to the 
outlet of Oneida Lake, and from thence passed to the fort, 
distant four leagues from the fishery. 

One reason I gave for discrediting the map was that the 
dotted line seemed to enter the " Oswego river," that being 
the only stream having numerous lakes at its sources ; 



56 CHAM PLAIN' IS EXPEDITION. 

but I distinctly averred that such a route was " highly 
improbable, unnecessarily circuitous, and could not possibly 
be reconciled with the text of Champlain." Vol. I, p. 6 
of this magazine. 

The inland route. — My reasons in favor of the mouth 
of Salmon river as the point of departure for the interior 
are as follows : 

First. It is the southernmost and last point on the lake 
in the direct line of travel between Stony Point and the 
foot of Oneida Lake. The mouth of Salmon Greek lies 
west of that line, requiring a detour that would increase 
the travel without affording any corresponding ad- 
vantage. Second. The mouth of Salmon river — the 
OtihatanguS of the early French maps — has always 
been a noted place in Indian history. It is mentioned 
on the oldest MS. maps of the Jesuit missionaries found in 
the French Archives at Paris. A trail is laid down on 
several of said maps, running direct from that point to 
the great fishery, called " Techiroguen." Franquelin, the 
celebrated geographer to Louis XIV., in his " Carte du 
pays des Iroquois'' of 1679, calls the trail " Ghemin de 
Techiroguen ci la Famine" La Famine was a name applied 
by the Jesuits to the mouth of the Salmon river, in allu- 
sion to the sufferings experienced there by Monsieur Du 
Puys and his companions, in July, 1656, from want of 
provisions. It has generally been called by later writers, 
" Gahihonouaghe,'' which may be a dialectical variation 
from OtihatanguS. A MS. map of 1679, says: "it is the 
place where the most of the Iroquois and Loups land to 



CHAMPLAIN'S EXPEBITION. 57 

go on the beaver trade at New York." It is evidently an 
Onondaga word, and is given by Morgan as " Qd-hen-wd'- 
ga." It bears a strong resemblance to the name applied 
to the place by Pouchot and other writers. There is, 
therefore, little doubt but what the expedition left the 
lake for the interior from this well known point of de- 
barkation. Third. Champlain says : " Tous les canaux 
etans ainsi cachez, nous laissames le rivage du lac," etc. 
" All the canoes being thus concealed we left the border 
of the lake," etc. Dr. Shea thinks that the text implies 
that the canoes were twice concealed. I do not so under- 
stand it. If all were concealed on landing, there would 
be none left to conceal at the end of the march on the 
beach. The second statement, " All our canoes being 
thus concealed," is, therefore, but a repetition of the first 
expression, " The Indians concealed all their canoes in 
the woods near the shore." Fourth. Champlain's de- 
scription of his route ,after leaving the lake, is quite brief 
and unsatisfactory. " Nous continuames notre chemin 
par terre, environ 25 ou 30 lieues : Durant quatre journ^es 
nous traversames quantite de ruisseaux, et une riviere, 
procedante d'un lac qui se decharge dans celui des Entou- 
honorons. ' Ce lac est de I'etendue de 25 ou 30 lieues de 
circuit, ou ii y a de belles iles, et est le lieu oil les Iroquois 
ennemis font leur peche de poisson, qui est en abondance." 

" "We continued our way by land about 25 or 30 leagues. 
During four days we crossed numerous brooks and a river 
flowing from a lake which empties into Lake Ontario. 
This lake is 25 or 30 leagues in circumference, contains 



58 CHAMPLAIN'S EXPEDITION. 

beautiful islands, and is the place where the hostile 
Iroquois catch their fish, which are in abundance." It 
will be noticed that no mention is made of any of the 
lakes which are so conspicuously laid down on the map, 
contiguous to the dotted line, except Oneida Lake. On 
the 9th of October, the Indians met and captured eleven 
of the enemy, who were going to the fishery, distant 4 
leagues from the enemy's fort. 

The expedition reached the fort at 3 o'clock in the 
afternoon of the 10th. There is nothing in the text of 
Champlain to indicate the site of the fort, except its situa- 
tion near an unfailing body of water, which Champlain 
calls ^^un ttangT Dr. Shea translates it " pond," that 
being its primitive signification. But as used by Cham- 
plain and other French writers of the 17th century, it has a 
more enlarged signification, having reference, in numerous 
instances, to a small lake. Those which are laid down 
on the Champlain map opposite the route along the sandy 
beach above referred to, are called " etangs " by Champlain. 
One of them is admitted by General Clark to be " Little 
Sandy Lake." Bouillet saj^s in his Dictionaire des Sciences, 
etc^, ^^ Etangs naturels" are small lakes of fresh water, 
produced by rains or springs. " Lake Pontchitrain, near 
New Orleans, 40 miles long by 24 broad, is called " un 
etang" by La Salle in 1685. 

There is therefore no such limitation to the meaning of 
the word etang, as to render it inapplicable to a lake as 
large as Onondaga. Champlain, having recently passed 



GRAMPLAIN'S EXPEDITION. 59 

through Lakes Huron and Ontario, would very naturally 
apply a diminutive term to so small a body of water. 

The location of the roRT.^It is utterly impossible, 
from the Champlain text and map, aided by the best 
modern charts, and an accurate knowledge of the country, 
to estabhsh, with any certainty, the exact position of the 
Iroquois fort. The location which I suggested was on or 
near Onondaga Lake, 4 leagues or 10 miles from the great 
Iroquois fishery at the foot of Oneida Lake. The limits 
of this article forbid my presenting at this time my reasons 
for this conclusion ; I will therefore confine myself to an 
examination of General Clark's position. He locates the 
fort, on Nichols Pond, in the north-east corner of the town 
of Fenner, in Madison county, 3 miles east of the village 
of Perry ville, and 10 miles by an air line, south of the 
east end of Oneida Lake. The following are some of the 
reasons suggested by Champlain's text and engraved view, 
against this proposed location. 

First. Nichols Pond is over 24 miles, measured on a 
direct line, from the outlet of Oneida Lake, where the 
expedition crossed that stream. By any route practicable 
in 1615, it could not have been reached by less than 30 
miles travel, owing to the intervening impassable swamps. 
Champlain states that the fort was 4 leagues (10 miles) 
from the " fishery," a distance more likely to be exag- 
gerated than understated. Second. The expedition reached 
the fort at 3 p. m. on the 10th of October, the day after 
they had met and captured a party of Iroquois, who were 
on their way to the fishery. Now if the fishery referred 



60 CHAMPLAIN'8 EXPEDITION. 

to was on Oneida Lake, and within 10 miles of Nichols 
Pond, it must have been directly north of the latter. How 
then could Champlain have met a party going north 
from the fort to the lake, when his course, if bound 
for Nichols Pond, was on a line from the west end 
of that lake in a direction south of east ? The lines of 
travel of the two parties could not have intersected. 
Third. Nichols Pond does not correspond in important 
particulars, with Champlain's engraved view of the site of 
the fort. I do not attach much importance to that birds- 
eye sketch, evidently fanciful in most respects, but as 
General Clark and Dr. Shea rely on its correctness, it is 
fair to use it in testing the soundness of their positions. 
The original is a well-executed copper plate line engraving, 
inserted in the editions of 1619 and 1632. The copies 
reproduced by Laverdiere, and in this Magazine (Vol. I., 
p. 661), are wood cuts, and do not, of course, do justice 
to the original. The latter represents the fortified village 
as bounded on two sides by two streams, emptying into 
the lake from elevated ground in the rear ; whereas the 
inlets into Nichols Pond are on opposite sides, not con- 
tiguous to each other. The pond is quite insignificant, 
scarcely an acre in extent, nearly surrounded by a marsh 
of perhaps four acres more, which may, in wet seasons, 
have formerly been overflowed. Fourth. The view re- 
presents the lake as much broader than the palisaded 
water front of the fort, and the fortified village as quite 
extensive, much larger than Nichols Pond could ever have 
been. The latter therefore fails to answer the conditions 



CHAMPLAIN'S EXPEDITION-. 61 

required by the engraving. Fifth. General Clark says, 
that, " the fortified village on Nichols Pond was occupied 
from 1600 to 1630." The mean between the two happens 
to be the exact year of Champlain's invasion. How has 
General Clark ascertained those dates? How does he 
know that the village had not ceased to exist long anterior 
to Champlain's invasion ? In fixing limits to the periods 
of aboriginal occupancy, it would be more satisfactory to 
have the evidence cited. In regard to this village, if one 
of any considerable extent existed on Nichols Pond, all 
we can certainly know is, that it belonged to the Stone 
Age. Who can tell when its fires were first kindled — 
when, or how they were finally extinguished ? History, 
and even tradition are silent Sixth. General Clark con- 
cedes that the expedition was directed against, and 
besieged a fort of the Onondagas. Why then does he 
seek to locate it on a pond in the ancient territory of the 
Oneidas ? Seventh. The site of the fort, as claimed by 
General Clark, is on the water-shed between the sources 
of the Susquehanna and the tributaries of Oneida Lake, 
an elevation of nearly 1,000 feet above the latter. To 
reach it would have involved an ascent so difficult and 
toilsome for an army like Champlain's, that he would 
hardly have failed to notice the embarrassments in his 
narrative. Eighth. The siege lasted six days. If the fort 
had been on the heights of Fenner, a beacon light in its 
neighborhood could have flashed a summons to the con- 
federate tribes, and brought such prompt assistance that 
the besiegers would speedily have been attacked and over- 



62 CHAMPLAIN'8 EXPEDITION. 

whelmed. Champlain would hardly have trusted himself 
so long in a hostile country, and so far from his landing. 
Ninth. Champlain mentions the islands in Oneida Lake. 
General Clark assumes the knowledge of their existence 
could only have been derived from their having been seen 
by Champlain from the hills near Nichols Pond, forgetting 
they are only four miles distant, and in plain sight, of the 
place where he crossed the Oneida outlet. Tenth. Cham- 
plain says they raised the siege of the fort, and began 
their retreat on the 16th of October, and reached their 
canoes on the 18th, a march quite incredible, if from so 
distant a point as Nichols Pond, encumbered as they were 
with their wounded, and impeded by a driving snow storm 
on the last day. 

Having discussed the location of the fort, aided by the 
text and engraved view of Champlain, let us now see 
what assistance can be derived from the map, claimed by 
General Clark and Dr. Shea to be so accurate and 
authentic. Whenever the text and map agree, they must 
be accepted as conclusive. Where they do not, and par- 
ticularly in those instances where the map differs from 
well authenticated modern surveys, I prefer to reject it, 
whether it was made by Champlain or not. 

That it does not agree in important particulars, either 
with the text or with the actual topography of the 
country, is clearly evident, as I have already shown and 
will now endeavor to point out more in detail. The map 
differs from the text, First, In landing the expedition 
directly at the point on the south shore of Lake Ontario, 



GHAMPLAIW8 EXPEDITION. 63 

where it passed into the interior, instead of first carrying 
it for at least " four leagues along the sandy beach of the 
lake," as clearly represented by the text. Second. In 
representing Champlain to have landed at a stream — 
claimed by General Clark to be Little Salmon Creek — and 
to have passed directly inland from the mouth of that 
stream, and to have crossed it twice before reaching the 
fort. Third. In representing, at the sources of that 
creek thus crossed, three large and two small lakes, near 
the largest two of which the expedition passed. If, as 
General Clark holds, neither of those lakes is Oneida Lake, 
then the five lakes thus delineated on the map are not 
noticed in the text at all. Champlain is utterly silent in 
regard to them, and rightfully so, for in point of fact 
there are no such lakes in existence. They will be sought 
for in vain on any reliable map of the country. Fourth. 
The map differs from the text in another important par- 
ticular, that is, if the theory advanced by General Clark 
and Dr. Shea is correct. The route, as indicated on the 
map, after winding among those mythical lakes, and 
leaving the sources of the Little Salmon, passes directly 
by a south-westerly course to the Iroquois fort This fort 
is located, % the map, on the easterly end of a lake, 
assumed by both General Clark and Dr. Shea to be 
Oneida Lake, the outlet of which flows into Lake 
Ontario. If it is not Oneida Lake, then that lake is not 
represented on the map at all, unless it is one of the five 
imaginary lakes on the sources of the Little Salmon, 
which is disclaimed by General Clark. But the route 
of the expedition, as shown by the map, instead of cross- 



64 CHAMPLAIN'S EXPEDITION. 

ing the outlet of what he claims to be Oneida Lake, as 
distinctly asserted by the text, does not go near it. Dr. 
Shea says, General Clark and Mr. Marshall agree that 
Champlain crossed that outlet. I certainly do, because 
the text asserts it. But the map contradicts it. It is for 
General Clark to reconcile the two. Both General Clark 
and Dr. Shea repudiate the map when they say, " the 
dotted line of the march on the map, to coincide with 
Champlain's text, should have continued across Oneida 
outlet, which it already approaches on the map." They 
are in error in saying that it approaches the outlet. The 
whole length of the lake lies between them. If the 
dotted line had crossed the outlet, where, on the hypo- 
thesis of General Clark, would it then have gone ? Fifth. 
If the map locates the fort at the east end of Oneida 
Lake, as it certainly does on the theory of General Clark, 
what then becomes of his location on Nichols Pond, at 
least 10 miles in a direct line south of that lake? Sixth. 
The map places the fort on a small lake, the outlet of 
which empties into Lake Ontario. But the waters of 
Nichols Pond flow into Oneida Lake, first passing through 
Cowasselon, Canaserago and Chittenango Creeks. How 
is this discrepancy reconciled ? 

Dr. Shea impugns the correctness of the facsimile map 
in one particular. He says : " In the reproduction in the 
magazine the dotted line goes to the town ; in the original, 
however, it stops before reaching the lake near which the 
town is placed." I do not understand the force of this 
criticism. Both the original dindi facsimile place the town 



GHAMPLAIN'S EXPEDITION. 65 

on the lake. The dotted line of the facsimile quite 
reaches the town, while that of the original falls two or 
three dots short of it. The line of the original is evidently 
intended to exhibit the route as extending to the town 
whether carried quite to it or not. Does Dr. Shea mean 
to be understood that the expedition did not reach the 
town by the line indicated ? 

The considerations which I have presented conclusively 
show that the map and the text are irreconcilable, and 
that one or the other must, in some of the particulars, be 
rejected. I prefer, for the reasons already stated, to be 
governed by the text. Yet Dr. Shea says that " General 
Clark seeks a theory which will reconcile the text and the 
map." Whether he has found it the reader can now 
decide. The effort to harmonize what cannot be recon- 
ciled has led to much of the obscurity and confusion 
which have involved this subject. The route of the ex- 
pedition, as claimed in my two articles, is certainly the 
most natural, the most feasible, and the most in harmony 
with the narrative of Champlain. No other across the 
lake, and inland to the fort, presents so few objections, 
and no other which has yet been suggested can stand the 
test of critical examination. As to the location of the 
fort, I reached the conclusion, after a careful consideration 
of all the data that could be obtained — a comparison of 
the map and text of Champlain, a study of the topography 
of the country, aided by the best maps attainable, and by 
correspondence with persons familiar with the various 
localities — that the objective point of the expedition, the 
9 



66 CRAMPLAIN'S EXPEDITION. 

fortified village of the Onondagas, was on the lake which 
bears their name. 

I have seen nothing in the publications of General 
Clark, or in the learned article of Dr. Shea, to disturb my 
first impressions. Certainly no other place so free from 
objection has been pointed out. The strong language 
used by General Clark in support of his views, while it is 
in keeping with his enthusiastic convictions, is not justi- 
fied by his facts or reasons. His conclusions are valuable, 
to the extent only in which they are sustained by reliable 
data. I understand that he has ready for the press, a 
work on the " Homes and Migrations of the Iroquois." 
Possibly it will contain his views more at large on the 
questions here discussed. Whenever any additional facts 
and arguments to disprove my positions are presented, I 
will give them a candid and careful examination. I am 
constrained to believe, however, that we cannot hope for 
any new data, but must be content to rest the case on the 
scanty records of Champlain, the testimony of the early 
travelers, and the few relics, which time has spared, of the 
era in which the Iroquois met and successfully resisted 
the firearms of the white man, in the heart of Central 
New York, 





CHAMPLAIN'S ASTROLABE. 

DISCOVERY OF AN ASTROLABE SUPPOSED TO HAVE BEEN LOST 
BY CHAMPLAIN IN 16 13.* 

SEND herewith, as requested, a photographic 
representation of an astrolabe found in August, 
1867, on the north-east half of lot 12, second 
range, township of Ross, county of Renfrew, 
in Ontario, Canada. The instrument is supposed to have 
been lost by Champlain in his expedition up the Ottawa 
in 1613. It is made of brass, and weighs about three 
pounds. Its external diameter is 5;^ inches ; so that the 
copy is about three-fifths of the size of the original. Its 
thickness at the top is one-eighth, and at the bottom six 
sixteenths of an inch. I am indebted for the photograph, 
and valuable suggestions, to the courtesy of my friend 
Wm. Kingsford, Esq., of the Department of Public Works 
in Canada. Also to Dr. Tache of Ottawa. 

The astrolabe was found in a good state of preservation, 
covered with vegetation, on the old portage road, which, 
as a substitute for the difficult and dangerous rapids of 
the Ottawa, in its long detour between the present Port- 

Re printed from the March No. of the Ifagazine of American 
History for \^1^.—Ed. 



68 GHAMPLAIN'S ASTROLABE. 

age du Fort and the upper Allumette Lake, pursues a 
shorter route by the way of the Muskrat and Mud Lakes. 

The date inscribed on the original is 1603. Each 
quarter of the circular limb is divided into degrees, com- 
mencing at the top and bottom and running each way — 
that is, right and left, from one to ninety. A ring, at- 
tached by a hinge to the zenith, served to suspend it 
during an observation. A moveable index, turning on 
the centre, carried two sights, through which the rays of 
the sun could freely pass when its altitude w^as taken. 

The astrolabe was formerly — before the invention of the 
Hadley quadrant — much used for astronomical purposes. 
A very good observation could be taken with it, if well 
constructed and of sufficient weight to make it steady. 
The proofs that the one in question belonged to Cham- 
plain, and was lost by him at the spot where it was 
found, though not conclusive, are strongly presumptive. 

Champlain was a captain in the French marine, and 
had made many voyages prior to 1613, the year in which 
the astrolabe is supposed to have been lost. He was 
the author of a treatise on navigation, in which he ad- 
vises navigators to become familiar with the use of the 
astrolabe. It is therefore quite probable that he would 
carry with him in his various expeditions, the kind of 
instrument then in use for taking observations for the 
latitude. It is certain, from Champlain's narrative, that 
he traveled over the portage road in which the astrolabe 
was found. He states that in ascending the Ottawa he 
reached the Ghaudiere Falls on the 4th, the Bapide dea 



CHAMPLAIN 'jS ASTB OLABE. 69 

Chats on the 5tli and the island of Sainte Groix and the 




Portage du Fort on the 6th of June, 1613. At this latter 
place the old portage road above alluded to commenced, 



70 CHAMPLAIN'S ASTR OLABE. 

and in passing over it the expedition consumed a part of 
the 6th and the whole of the 7th of June. It was during 
their march on the 7th that the astrolabe is supposed to 
have been dropped. In describing their difficulties on 
that day, Champlain says : " We were greatly troubled 
in making this portage, being myself loaded with three 
arquebuses, as many paddles, my cloak and some small 
articles. I encouraged my men, who were loaded yet 
heavier, and suffered more from the musquitoes than from 
their burdens." Under the circumstances thus related, it 
is not surprising that the overburdened party should have 
lost some of their valuables on the way. 

It further appears from the narrative, that Champlain 
must have had the astrolabe with him on the 30th of 
May and on the 4th and 6th of June, for under date of 
May 30th, when at the entrance of Lake St. Louis, he 
says : " I took the latitude of this place, and found it 45° 
18'." Under date of June 4th, when at Chaudiere Falls, 
he says : *' I took the latitude of this place, and found it 
to be 45° 38'." Again on the 6th of June, when at the 
Portage du Fort, he says: "I took the latitude of this 
place, which was 46° 40'." (See Laverdiere's Champlain, 
Vol. I, pp. 444, 449, 451.) These three latitudes could 
not have been taken without the use of an instrument. 

The next latitude given by Champlain was that of the 
island Des AUumettes, a day or two after he had passed 
the above mentioned portage. If, however, he had lost 
his astrolabe, he could not have " taken " an observation, 
and must give it by estimation. And so he does. He 



CHAMPLAIN'8 ASTROLABE. 



71 



says : "The island is in 47 degrees of latitude." A little 
further on he says : " I was in 47 degrees of latitude and 
296 degrees of longitude." In neither of the last two 
instances does he state, as he did before he lost his in- 
strument, "I took the latitude." The presumption is 
therefore strengthened that after the 7th of June, when, 
according to his narrative, he had passed the spot where 
the astrolabe was found, he was forced to estimate his 
latitude in consequence of the loss of that instrument. 





THE BUILDING AND VOYAGE OF THE GRIFFON IN 

1679.' 

N the seventh day of August, 1679, two centuries 
a^o, a small vessel left her anchorage near the 
foot of Squaw Island, and ascended the strong 
rapids of the Niagara into Lake Erie. She was 
a peculiar craft, of foreign model, full rigged and equipped, 
having many of the appointments of a man-of-war. A 
battery of seven small cannon, with some musquetry, con- 
stituted her armament. A flag, bearing the device of an 
eagle, floated at her mast-head, and on her bow she 
bore a carved griffin, in honor of the arms of Count 
Frontenac, then Governor-General of Canada. By the 
aid of a strong north-east wind, she endeavored to pass 
up the channel between the bold bluff" now crowned by 
the ruins of Fort Porter, and the rocky islet, since known 
by the name of Bird Island. Being unable to overcome 
the rapid current, a dozen men were landed on the sandy 
beach which bordered the eastern shore, and with tow 



^ This paper was originally read before the Buffalo Historical 
Society, Feb. 3d, 1863. Afterwards it was revised and enlarged, 
and, in 'its present form, was published among the collections of 
that Society.— ^f?. 
10 



74 THE BUILDING AND 

lines, drew her, by main force, up the stream. A group 
of swarthy Senecas watched her movements, shouting 
their admiration at the strange spectacle. 

When the vessel had reached the lake, the men on 
shore embarked — the Te Deum was chanted by the grate- 
ful crew — their artillery and fire-arms were discharged — 
and the vessel, turning her prow toward the south-west, 
boldly ploughed, without chart or guide, the untried 
waters of the lake.^ 

That vessel was the Griffon, and her projector and 
builder the adventurous Cavalier de la Salle. 

This distinguished explorer was born in Rouen, France, 
on the twenty-second day of November, 1643. Educated 
by the Jesuits, he became, for a short time, a member of 
their Order. He came to America in 1666, and soon 
after visited and descended the Ohio; and, as some claim, 
anticipated JoUiet and Marquette in the discovery of the 
Mississippi. His western explorations revealed the value 
and foreshadowed the growth of the fur trade, then 
dependent for transportation on the bark canoe, or the 
sluggish pirogue of the Indian. The discovery of an 
overland route to China, and the development of the 
copper mines of the Interior, were additional stimuli to 
draw him from the luxury and ease of Europe, to share 
in the hardships and privations of savage life among the 
lakes and rivers, forests and prairies of the north-west." 



* Hennepin, Louisiana, p. 29. Hennepin, Nouvelle D^couverte, 
p. 119. Margry, D^couverte, Vol. I., p. 445. 



VOYAGE OF THE GRIFFON. 75 

Fort Frontenac was chosen as the base of his operations ; 
and he agreed to rebuild and maintain it at his own ex- 
pense, provided the French government would grant him 
certain exclusive privileges. These were accorded in May, 
1675.^ He immediately took possession of the fort, the 
foundations of which had been laid by Count Frontenac 
two years before, and enlarged and strengthened its 
defences. 

In 1678, a brigantine of ten tons had been built for the 
use of the French on Lake Ontario.^ To facilitate his en- 
terprises further west, it became necessary for La Salle to 
build a larger vessel above the Cataract of Niagara. He 
first dispatched a party of fifteen men by canoe to the 
Upper Lakes, with goods of the value of six or seven 
thousand francs. They had orders to establish friendly 
relations with the Indians ; to collect provisions for the 
use of the contemplated expedition, and to gather furs for 
the return voyage.^ He also sent carpenters and other 
artisans, under charge of the Sieur de la Motte, to build a 
fort at Niagara, and the vessel above the Falls.* 

The chief companions he selected to aid him in these 
undertakings were the Chevalier Henry de Tonty, the 
Sieur la Motte de Lussiere, and Father Louis Hennepin. 

^ Margiy, D^couv., Vol. I,, pp. 333, 437. 
' Hennepin, N. D., p. 72. 

. ' Hennepin, La., p. 19 ; Le Clerq, Etab. de la Foi, Vol. H., p. 
141. 

* Margiy, D^couv., Vol. L, pp. 440, 575. 



76 THE BUILDING AND 

Tonty was a Neapolitan by birth. Having fled from 
the revohition of Naples, he entered the French Marine 
in 1668, in which he served four years. Having lost 
his right hand at Vintimille by the bursting of a grenade, 
he supplied the deficiency by a metallic arrangement 
covered with a glove.^ This he used with marked effect 
in his encounters with the Indians, and thus obtained the 
sobriquet of the " Iron Hand." He joined La Salle in 
his last voyage from France, in July, 1678,^ and faith- 
fully adhered to the fortunes of his chief, until the death 
of the latter in 1687. He was distinguished for zeal, 
courage and capacity. He commanded the reinforcements 
which were brought from the west to aid De Nonville in 
his expedition against the Senecas in 1687. He died 
at Fort St. Louis, on Mobile bay, towards the close of the 
year 1704. His father was the author of the financial 
scheme, called after him " Tontine," which was adopted 
in France, and subsequently introduced into America.^ 

La Motte de Lussi^re was a captain in the celebrated 
regiment of Garignan-sali^res, and accompanied La Salle 
on his first visit to America.* He proved in the sequel, 
unfaithful to his commander by adhering to his enemies.^ 



1 La Potherie, Vol. II , p. 144. 
** Mar^ry, D^couv., Vol. I., p. 449. 
^ Margry, M^moh'es InMits, p. 3. 
* Hennepin, La., p. 15. 
» Margry, D^couv., Vol. II., p. 230. 



VO TA GE OF THE GRIFFON. 77 

After some experience he found himself unfitted to endure 
the hardships of the New World, and gladly returned to 
civilized life.^ 

Louis Hennepin was a Flemish Recollect of the Fran- 
ciscan order, and came to America in 1675 with Bishop 
Laval. He established a mission at Fort Frontenac, 
where he remained two and a-half years. He then re- 
turned to Quebec, and after undergoing the necessary 
religious preparation, reascended the St. Lawrence to Fort 
Frontenac, and joined the expedition of La Salle. He 
was proud of his association with his distinguished chief, 
and devoted as much time to his service as he could well 
spare from the duties of his priestly office. He was am- 
bitious and unscrupulous, and after the death of La Salle, 
endeavored to appropriate some of the honors which the 
latter had acquired by his celebrated discoveries in the 
West. He published two works, one of which is styled 
" Description de la Louisiane," printed in 1683, and the 
other " A New Discovery of a Very Vast Country, Situ- 
ated in America, Between New Mexico and the Frozen 
Ocean," printed in 1698. The first is less in detail, but 
more reliable than the second. Its account of the build- 
ing and voyage of the Griffon, is, for the most part, a bold 
plagiarism from the official record of that enterprise, which 
had been communicated, either by La Salle himself, or 
through his instrumentality, to the French Minister of the 
Marine, in 1682. Nearly all of Hennepin's account is a 



' Margry, D6couv., Vol. II., p. 9 ; Hennepin, N. D., p. 1Q. 



78 THE BUILDING AND 

verbatim copy of that record ; with here and there a slight 
variation, occasionally relieved by an original paragraph. 
Twenty-one out of thirty-two pages of his " Louisiane," 
relating to the Griffon, are copied almost literally from 
the official document above referred to, now deposited 
among the GlairamhauU Collections, in the National 
Library of Paris. ^ His narrative requires close scrutiny, 
especially in those particulars in which he was neither 
actor nor eye-witness. He belonged to that class of 
writers, which is said to speak the truth by accident and 
to lie by inclination. La Salle calls him a great exag- 
gerator, who wrote more in conformity with his wishes 
than his knowledge.'^ 

The expedition sent forward from Fort Frontenac, was 
under the immediate charge of the Sieur de la Motte ; 
who was accompanied by Hennepin and sixteen men. 
They embarked on the eighteenth of November, 1678, in 
the brigantine before mentioned.^ 

The autumnal gales were then sweeping over the lake, 
and the cautious navigators, fearing to be driven on the 
south shore, avoided the usual course, and coasted timidly 
under shelter of the Canadian headlands. Having ad- 
vanced as far west as the site of Toronto, they sought 
refuge from a storm in the mouth of the river Humber. 



^ Compare Hennepin, La., pp. 41-73, with Margry, D^couv., Vol. 
L, pp. 441-451. 

* Margry, D^couv., Vol. II., p. 259. 

' Hennepin, La , p. 20. lb. p. 21. 



VO YA GE OF THE GRIFFON. 79 

Grounding three times at the entrance, they were forced 
to throw their ballast overboard and to land fourteen of 
their crew, before the vessel could be made to float. The 
inhabitants of an Iroquois village near by, called Tai-ai- 
a-gon, were greatly surprised at their strange visitors, and 
generously supplied them with provisions in their ex- 
tremity. The vessel narrowly escaped being frozen in for 
the winter, and was only released by being cut out with 
axes. ^ 

On the fifth of December the wind becoming favorable, 
they left for the south side of the lake, riding out a 
boisterous night about twelve miles from the mouth of 
the Niagara. On the sixth of December, St. Nicholas' 
day, they entered what Hennepin calls " the beautiful 
river Niagara, into which no bark similar to ours had 
ever sailed."^ Religion and commerce had joined in the 
enterprise. The noble Ambrosian hymn " Te Deum 
Laudamus" arose from the deck of the gallant bark, 
chanted by the crew in recognition of their escape from 
the perils of a wintry navigation, and of their safe arrival 
in so desirable and commodious a harbor. Near by their 
anchorage were a few cabins, temporarily occupied by the 
Senecas for shelter during their fishing season. Our 
voyagers were abundantly supplied by the natives with 
white-fish, three hundred of which they caught in a 



' Le Clerq, Etab. de la Foi, Vol. II., p. 141. 
^ Hennepin, N. D., pp. 74, 75. 



80 THE B UILDING AND 

single cast of the net. Such unusual luck was ascribed 
to the auspicious arrival of " the great wooden canoe."^ 

A party was now organized for exploring the river 
above the Falls, in search of a suitable site for building 
the projected ship. On the seventh of December, Hen- 
nepin, with five companions, ascended two leagues in a 
bark canoe, as far as the Mountain Ridge. Here their 
progress was arrested by the rapids which rush with im- 
petuous force from the gorge above ; and they landed on 
the Canadian shore. Prosecuting their search on foot, 
they ascended what are now known as Queenston Heights, 
and followed the river for three leagues, until they reached 
the mouth of the Chippewa Creek. This stream is de- 
scribed by Hennepin as emptying into the Niagara from 
the west, a league above the great Fall. Being unable 
to find any land suitable for their purpose, they encamped 
for the night, first clearing away a foot of snow, before 
their fire could be kindled. 

On their return the next day, herds of deer and flocks 
of wild turkeys met them on the way, giving promise of 
abundant game for the subsistence of the party during 
their contemplated sojourn on the Niagara.^ 

On the eleventh of December, they celebrated the first 
mass ever said in the vicinity. 

The next three days were passed at Niagara, the wind 
being too unfavorable for the bark to ascend the river. 



' Hennepin, La., p. 23. 
* Hennepin, IST. D., p. 76. 



VOYAGE OF THE G BIFF ON. 81 

On the fifteenth, Hennepin took the helm, and with 
the aid of three men towing on shore, reached the foot of 
the rapids, and moored the bark to the American shore, 
below the precipitous cliffs of the Mountain Ridge. They 
employed the seventeenth and the two following days in 
constructing a cabin on the site of Lewiston, to serve as a 
storehouse for the use of the expedition. They were 
obliged to thaw the frozen ground with boiling water 
before the palisades could be driven. 

On the twentieth, and the next three days, the ice 
came down the rapids with such force, and in such quan- 
tities, as to threaten the safety of their bark. To guard 
against the danger, the carpenters, under the direction of 
La Motte, made a capstan, with which they endeavored to 
draw the vessel into a ravine ; but the strain on the cable 
broke it three times. They finally passed it around the 
hull, and succeeded, with ropes attached, in hauling her 
to a place of safety.^ 

A further advance by vessel or canoe having been 
checked by the rapids, a portage around the Falls must 
now be made. Hennepin's reconnoissance, as before seen, 
had proved the one on the Canadian side to be unsuitable. 
It now remained to explore the other. Before doing so, 
it became necessary to consult La Salle, who had not yet 
arrived from Fort Frontenac, and also to conciliate the 
neighboring Sene.cas. The preparations made by La 
Salle to build a fort at the mouth of the Niagara, and a 



^ Hennepin, N. D., pp. 11, IS. Margiy, D^couv., Vol. II., p. 8. 
11 



82 THE B UILBINa AND 

vessel above the Falls, on the territory claimed by the 
Senecas, had aroused the jealousy of that proud people. 
Attempts had been made, with some success, to propitiate 
those residing in the small village on the western bank of 
the river near its mouth ,^ It was deemed expedient, 
however, to send an embassy to their capital beyond the 
Genesee, before proceeding with the enterprise ; and to 
negotiate, with the usual presents, for the required permis- 
sion. 

Hennepin, never idle, was busy in the construction of a 
bark chapel for Divine service, when La Motte invited 
him to join in the proposed embassy. As the friar had 
ingratiated liimself with the Iroquois, and possessed some 
knowledge of their language, his co-operation was deemed 
important. At first he feigned reluctance to go, but finally 
consented.^ Leaving a portion of their party at the foot 
of the Mountain Ridge, La Motte and Hennepin, with 
four French companions, left on Christmas day, 1678. 

Thus, in mid- winter, with blankets, warm clothing and 
moccasins for protection, they boldly plunged into the 
depths of the cheerless forest. The distance to the 
Seneca village was estimated at thirty-two leagues, or 
about eighty miles. Five hundred pounds of merchandise 
for Indian presents, and some sacks of parched corn, were 
distributed among the party. Their provisions were in- 
creased on the way by an occasional deer, and a few black 



^ Hennepin, N. D., p. 78. 

* Hennepin, N. D., p. 79. Margry, Decouv., Vol. I., p. 443. 



VO YA GE OF THE GRIFFON. 83 

squirrels procured by the Indians. For five weary days 
they followed the Indian trail through the frost-bound 
wilderness; sleeping at night in the open air, without 
shelter, except what chance afforded. 

On the last day of December, they reached Tagaron- 
dies, the great village of the Senecas, situated on what has 
since been known as Boughton Hill, near Victor, in 
Ontario county.^ 

They were received by the Senecas with marked con- 
sideration, and conducted to the cabin of their principal 
chief, where they became objects of curiosity to the women 
and children. The young men bathed their travel-worn 
feet, and anointed them with bear's oil. The next day, 
being the first of the year, Hennepin celebrated mass, and 
preached the mysteries of his faith to the mixed assembly 
of French and Indians. 

Fathers Julien Gamier and Peter Raffeix, two Jesuit 
missionaries, were found residing in the village at the 
time of their visit. The former was the first Jesuit 
ordained in Canada, and the last missionary of that order 
among the Senecas.^ He commenced his labors among 
the Oneidas in 1668, at the age of twenty-five, and in the 
same year visited the Onondagas and Cayugas. In 1669 
he had charge of the Seneca mission of St. Michael, and 
the following year that of St. James. In 1671 he con- 



^ N. Y. Hist. Collections, second series, Vol. II., p. 160. 
* Shea's Catholic Missions, p. 294, n. 



84 THE B UILDING AND 

ducted the three missions among that people.^ He died 
at Quebec in February', 1730, having devoted upwards of 
sixty years to his missionary work. He was acquainted 
with the Algonquin language, but better versed in Huron 
and Iroquois.^ His companion, Raflfeix, joined him in the 
Seneca country in 1G72. He was chaplain in the expe- 
dition of Courcelles against the Mohawks, in 1666.^ He 
was soon after chosen for missionary work among the 
Cayugas, and labored among them and the Senecas until 
1680. The writer can find no later notice of him than 
170B, at which time he was living at Quebec.'^ 

After Hennepin had concluded his religious services, 
the grand council was convened. It was composed of 
forty-two of the elders among the Senecas. Their tall 
forms were completely enveloped in robes made from the 
skins of the beaver, wolf and black squirrel. With calu- 
met in mouth, these grave councillors took their seats on 
their mats, with all the stateliness and dignity of Venetian 
senators. 

At the opening of the council. La Motte, suspecting 
Father Garnier of hostility to La Salle, objected to his 
presence. At the request of the Senecas he withdrew. 
Hennepin, considering this as an affront to his cloth, re- 



' Jesuit Relation, Quebec, ed. 1668, p. 17; 1669, p. 12 ; 1670, pp. 
69-78; 1671, p. 20; 1666, p. 9. 

^ Jesuit Rel., ed. 1666, p. 6 ; Parkman's Jesuits, p. 54. 

* lb., ed. 1666, p. 9. 

* Shea's Catholic Missions, p. 294, n. 



VO YA GE OF THE GRIFFON. 85 

tired with him. La Salle was ever suspicious of the 
Jesuits; believing them to be opposed to his enterprises, 
and inclined to influence the Indians against him. 

The council was informed, through Brassart, the inter- 
preter, that the French had come to visit them on the 
part of Onontio. their governor, and to smoke the calumet 
on their mats ; that the Sieur de la Salle was about to 
build a great wooden canoe above the Falls, in which to 
bring merchandise from Europe by a more convenient 
route than the rapids of the Saint Lawrence ; that by this 
mpans the French would be able to undersell the English 
of Boston, and the Dutch of New York.^ 

This speech was accompanied with four hundred pounds 
weight of presents, consisting of hatchets, knives, coats, 
and a large necklace of blue and white shells. Portions 
of these were handed over at the end of each proposition. 
This mode of treating with the Indians by bribing their 
chiefs, has, unfortunately, continued to the present day. 

Among other inducements, J.a Motte promised to fur- 
nish for the convenience of their whole nation, a gunsmith 
and blacksmith, to reside at the mouth of the Niagara, for 
the purpose of mending their guns and hatchets. Several 
coats and pieces of fine cloth, iron, and European mer- 
chandise of great rarity among the Indians, and of the 
value of four hundred francs, were added, as weighty 
reasons, to influence them in favor of the French. " The 

1 Alluding to the plan of La Salle to send merchandise to the 
Niagara by the way of the Mississippi and the lakes. 



86 THE B UILDING AND 

best arguments in the world," says Hennepin, " are not 
listened to by the natives, unless accompanied with pre- 
sents." 1 

On the next day, the Senecas answered the speech of 
La Motte, sentence by sentence, and responded by presents. 
As aids to the memory, they used small wooden sticks 
which the speaker took up, one by one, as he replied, 
seratim, to the several points in the speech of the day 
previous. Belts of wampum, made of small shells strung 
on fine sinews, were presented after each speech, followed 
by the exclamation " Ni-a-oua^' signifying approval, from 
the whole assembly. This, however, proved an insincere 
response in the present instance ; for La Motte, with his 
specious reasoning made no impression on these shrewd 
children of the forest. They knew that the English and 
Dutch had greater facilities than the French for supply- 
ing them with merchandise, and could outbid the latter 
in trading for their furs. They received the offered 
presents with apparent acquiescence, and after the cus- 
tomary salutations, the council broke up. Before it 
ended, two prisoners of war, who had been taken near the 
borders of Virginia, were brought in ; one of whom, out 
of compliment to their guests, was put to death with 
tortures, such as Indians only in their savage state can 
invent and inflict. The French, unable to bear the sight, 
and willing to testify their abhorrence of the cruelty, 
withdrew from the scene. So the embassy left for their 
quarters on the banks of the Niagara ; which they 



^ Hennepin, N. D., p. 85. 



VOYAGE OF THE GRIFFON. 87 

reached on the fourteenth of January, 1679, thoroughly 
exhausted with their toilsome expedition. They were in 
some measure solaced on their arrival, with the abund- 
ance of white-fish, just then in season. The water m 
which they were boiled, thickened into jelly, remmded 
them of the savory soups to which they had been ac- 
customed in their father-land.^ 

The side of the Niagara on which the vessel for use on 
the Upper Lakes could be most conveniently built, was as 
yet undetermined. The Canadian side had been ex- 
amined, as already noticed, and found unsatisfactory. 
Historians have widely differed, not only as to the one 
finally selected, but also as to the precise pomt where the 
keel of the historic bark was laid. The solution of these 
questions involves interesting topographical investigations. 
Governor Cass, in his address before the Historical 
Society of Michigan, maintains that " the Qnffon was 
launched at Erie."^ Schoolcraft says, "near Buffalo. 
Bancroft, in the first edition of his History of the Umted 
States, says, "at the mouth of the Tonewanda creek. 
Dr Sparks, in his " Life of La Salle," says, " at Chippewa 
creek, on the Canadian side of the river ;"^ and his 



1 Hennepin, N. D., pp., V8-91. 

» Hennepin, N. D., p. 75. 

» Historical Discourse at Detroit, p. U. 

* Tour to the Lakes, p. 33. 

« History of the United States, Vol. HI., p. 162. 

•^ Life of La Salle, p. 21. 



88 THE B TJILBING AND 

opinion was followed by Parkman in his " Life of Pontiac,"^ 
and more recently by Doctor Abbott, in his " Adventures 
of La Salle. "^ What is still more remarkable and inex- 
cusable, the new History of the United States, bearing the 
endorsement of the late William Cullen Bryant, states 
that the Griffon was built at Fort Frontenac, which it 
locates on Lake Erie ! Such is history. 

Li an article published August 22d, 1845, in the 
Buffalo Commercial Advertiser, the writer claimed that 
the vessel was built at the mouth of the Cayuga creek. 

Since that publication, Mr. Bancroft, in later editions 
of his History," and Mr. Parkman, in his more recent 
works,^ have accepted Cayuga creek as the true site of 
the dock. 

As some doubts, however, still exist, and erroneous 
locations continue to be repeated, the subject has been re- 
examined in the light of the evidence afforded by the 
valuable documents lately published by Mr. Margry, 
under the auspices of the American Congress, and with 
the aid of other historical material recently discovered. 

The portage around the Falls, and the site of the dock, 
must, necessarily, have been on the same side of the river. 
The American portage would naturally be chosen as the 



^ Parkman's Life of Pontiac, first ed., p. 52. 
' Abbott's Adventures of La Salle, p. 98. 
^Vol. IIL, p. 162, sixteenth ed. 

* Discovery of the Great "W est, p. 133. Life of Pontiac, sixth ed., 
Vol. I., p. 58. 



VO TA GE OF THE GRIFFON. 89 

shortest and most feasible route; its length being two 
and a-half miles less than the Canadian, owing to the con- 
figuration of the river. 

That the French actually used the American side 
during and subsequent to the building of the Oriffon, 
clearly appears from the testimony of Hennepin and 
La Hontan. 

In his notice of the point where the river issues from 
the mountain gorge between Lewiston and Queenston, 
Hennepin mentions a " great rock " which rose to a con- 
siderable height above the water, " three fathoms from 
the Canadian shore." Also " three mountains " on the 
American side, " opposite the great rock."^ In describing 
his return from his western discoveries, after the loss of 
the Griffon, Hennepin says, " we carried our canoe from 
the great Fall of Niagara to the foot of the three mountains, 
which are two leagues below, and opposite the great 
rock."^ This locates the portage used by Hennepin, on 
the American side. 

The Baron La Hontan, who visited the Falls in 1688, 
only nine years after the Oriffon was built, says, in his 
^' Voyages to North America," published in 1 703, " I 
went up the Niagara three leagues from its mouth, to 
the end of navigation. We were obliged to carry our 
canoe from a league and a-half below the Falls, to a-half 
a league above them. We ascended the three mountains 



' Hennepin, N. D., pp. 45, 11, 113, 452. 

' Hennepin, N. D., p.>56. 
12 



90 THE B UILDING AND 

before finding the way smooth and level."^ On the map 
which accompanies his travels, La Hontan places the 
" three mountains " unmistakably on the American side of 
the river, just south of the site of Lewiston. 

From the preceding quotations, it is evident that the 
" great rock," is referred to as on the west or Canadian 
side, and the " three mountains " on the opposite or 
American side of the Niagara. 

This " great rock " was long a conspicuous object near 
the shore ; and can still be seen under the western end of 
the old Suspension bridge, the ruins of which now span 
the river at that point. Within the memory of the early 
settlers, boats could readily pass between the rock and 
the adjacent bank. The debris from the precipice above, 
thrown down in the construction of the bridge, has nearly 
filled the intervening space. Hennepin describes the 
rock as very high ;^ but time, and the action of the ever- 
flowing current, have reduced its dimensions, and settled 
it in its river bed. It still lifts its dark head above the 
surrounding waters, an abiding witness of the accuracy 
of this part of the Franciscan's narrative, and perpetuates 
his memory under the name of " Hennepin's Rock." 

The " three mountains " on the American side can 
easily be recognized in the lofty ridge, composed of three 
terraces, caused by the geological formation of the bank, 
which rises four hundred feet above the surface of the 



La Hontan's Voyages, Eng. ed., Vol. I., p. 81. 
Hennepin, N. D., p. 452. 



VO TA GE OF THE GRIFFON. 91 

river. The ravine into which the brigantine was drawn 
by La Motte, to protect it from the ice, as before stated, 
is plainly to be seen near the foot of the Mountain Ridge, 
on the American side of the river, a short distance above 
Lewiston. This ravine, in the absence of any on the 
Canadian side, proves the site of the palisaded storehouse, 
and the commencement of the portage, to have been on 
the eastern side. 

The proofs establishing the particular site where the 
vessel was built, will now be considered. Hennepin 
describes the portage as passing over beautiful meadows, 
and through groves of scattered oaks and pine. "We 
went," says he, "two leagues above the great Fall of 
Niagara, and there built some stocks for the construction 
of the vessel needed for our voyage. We could not have 
chosen a more convenient place. It was near a river 
which empties into the strait between Lake Erie and the 
great Fall."^ 

Two leagues above the Falls would be about five miles. 
At that distance we find the Cayuga creek, a stream 
which answers perfectly to Hennepin's description. Oppo- 
site its mouth, an island of the same name lies parallel 
with the shore, about a mile long, and two or three 
hundred yards wide. It is separated from the main- 
land by a narrow branch of the river, called by the early 
inhabitants, " Little Niagara ;" wide and deep enough to 
float a vessel of the tonnage of the Qriffon. Into this 



^ Hennepin, N. D., p. 94. 



92 TBE BUILDING AND 

channel and opposite the middle of the island, the Cayuga 
creek empties. On the main shore, just above the mouth 
of the creek, and under shelter of the island, is a favora- 
ble site for a ship yard. So eligible is the position, that 
it was selected by the United States government, in the 
early part of the present century, as a suitable point for 
building one or more vessels for the transportation of 
troops and supplies to the western posts. For that reason 
it was known in early times, as the " old ship-yard ;" and 
local traditions have been preserved in the memory of the 
early pioneers, of its anterior occupancy, for the same 
purpose, by the French.^ 

Investigation among the archives of the MinisQre de la 
Marine in Paris, have brought to light the existence of 
three manuscript maps, nearly cotemporaneous with the 
construction of the Griffon. The first two were made by 
Jeau Baptiste Louis Franquelin, Hydrographer to Louis 
XIV., and the predecessor of Louis JoUiet in that office. 

The earliest of the three is a map of North America, 
purporting to have been " drawn in 1688, by order of the 
Governor and Intendant of New France, from sixteen 
years observations of the author." It is five feet long, 
and three feet wide. Lakes Ontario and Erie, with the 
adjacent country, are, for that early day, remarkably well 
delineated. The Niagara river and Falls are distinctly 
represented, with a portage road around the latter, on the 
American side. A fac-simile of that portion of the map 



^ Marshall's Niagara Frontier, p. 30. 



VO YA GE OF THE GRIFFON. 



93 



which embraces the Niagara river, reproduced from a care- 
ful tracing over the original, is given on the following 
page. 

Its most interesting feature is the design of a cabin, on 
the eastern side of the river, midway between the two 
lakes, with this inscription : " Gahane ou le S^ de la Salle 
a fait /aire U7ie barque." (Cabin where the Sieur de la 
Salle caused a bark to be built.) 




<cj:^ 



9«6 



The next map drawn by the same author in 1689, is 
substantially like that of 1688. The Niagara river is 
laid down'as on the former chart, with a cabin indicating 



94 THE B UILDING AND 

the site where the Griffon was built ; but the inscription 
differs slightly, it being, " Ghantier ou le S^ de la Salle a 
f y^« iifie harque. (Stocks where the Sieur de la Salle 
caused a bark to be built.) 

The third map, drawn after Franquelin in 1699, has, 
unfortunately, been so closely trimmed for binding in atlas 
form, as partly to cut off the Niagara river ; but the in- 
scription, indicating, as on the other maps, that the vessel 
was constructed on the eastern side of the river, was left 
untouched, and is as follows : " Ghantier de S^ de la Salle 
pour 8a harq." (Stocks for the bark of the Sieur de la 
Salle.) 

This dock was referred to by the Marquis Denonville in 
a proc^s-verhal, or act of taking possession of the territory 
of the Senecas in 1687 ; only eight years after the Griffon 
was built. He says : " La Salle built a bark two leagues 
above the great Fall of Niagara, which navigated Lakes 
Erie, Huron and Illinois (Michigan), the stocks of which 
are still to he seen" ^ It will be noticed that Hennepin 
and Denonville agree in the distance of the dock above 
the Falls. 

The proofs now exhibited remove all doubts as to the 
site where the Griffon was built. The mouth of the 
Cayuga creek is, unquestionably, the true locality. In 
commemoration of the event, the name, " La Salle," has 
appropriately been conferred on the neighboring village. 



» N. Y. Col. Doc, Vol. IX., p. 335. 



VOYAGJE OF THE GEIFFOK. 95 

La Salle, who had remained at Fort Frontenac, for the 
purpose of procuring supplies and materials for the pro- 
posed vessel, embarked with his lieutenant, Tonty, on a 
brigantine of twenty tons, and sailed for Niagara, by the 
south shore of the lake.^ When near the mouth of the 
Genesee river, he landed by canoe, and went to Tagar- 
ondies, which he had visited with the Sulpitians, Dollier 
and Gallin^e, ten years before.^ At a council, supple- 
mentary to the one just held by La Motte and Hennepin, 
he succeeded, by his personal address, in gaining what 
they had failed to obtain — the full assent of the Senecas 
to the execution of his enterprises.^ 

Re-embarking in his vessel, he sailed westward toward 
Niagara. When about twenty-five miles east of that 
river — the wind having failed — he left the vessel, and 
accompanied by Tonty, pursued his way to Niagara by 
land. He left instructions with the pilot, that if the wind 
should blow from the north-west, he should steer for 
Niagara; and if from the south-west, he should seek 
shelter in the river of the Senecas.^ 

On the eighth of January, 1679, the pilot and crew, 
while waiting for a favorable breeze, left the vessel at 
anchor, to sleep on shore. The wind rose so suddenly, 
that they were unable to embark. The vessel dragged 



' Margry, D^couv., Vol. I., p. 575. 
» Margry, D6couv., Vol. I., p. 127. 
' Hennepin, N. D., p. 111. 
* Genesee river. 



96 THE B UILDING AND 

her anchor, struck on a rock, and became a total wreck.^ 
This must have been at or near what is now known as 
Thirty-mile Point, being that distance east of Fort Niagara. 
By this misfortune, a large amount of material, designed 
for the construction of the Qriffon, including several bark 
canoes, was lost. Nothing was saved but the anchors and 
cables. To replace the loss, much valuable time would 
now be required, in transporting provisions and supplies 
for the use of the men employed in the work.^ 

La Salle and Tonty reached the mouth of the Niagara 
on the evening after they had left the vessel. The In- 
dians residing on the western side of the river, answering 
their summons, ferried them over to the village in their 
wooden canoes, and hospitably received them into their 
cabins.^ Nothing could be had for their refreshment, but 
the usual Indian diet of white-fish and corn soup. This 
seemed, to Tonty's palate, barbarous and unsavory. 
Nevertheless, hunger compelled him to partake of it, 
without the relish of bread, wine, pepper or salt. Such 
was the rough life of the French explorer ; subsisting on 
game, fish, and Indian corn, and inadequately protected 
from the weather by rudely constructed cabins of bark. 

At midnight, the restless La Salle set out by moonlight 
with Tonty, expecting to join La Motte in his cabin at 
the foot of the Mountain Ridge. They found he was still 



^Margry, Decouv., Vol. I., pp. 442, 576. 

^ Mai'gry, Decouv., Vol. II,, p. 229, Hennepin, La., p. 41. 

^Margry, Decouv., Vol. L, p. 576. 



VOYAGE OF THE GRIFFON. 97 

absent with Hennepin, on their embassy to the Senecas. 
Leaving Tonty to await his return, La Salle proceeded the 
next day further up the river, in search of a site above 
the Falls, convenient for building the projected vessel. 
Having found one, he transferred to the location some of 
his men, for the purpose of constructing a dock, and be- 
ginning the work. Returning to Niagara, he waited 
impatiently for the arrival of La Motte and Hennepin. 
News reached him while there of the loss of his vessel on 
Lake Ontario ; and he repaired at once to the wreck, in 
order to rescue what might be useful iu the construc- 
tion of the new bark. 

On the twenty-second of January, La Salle, Hennepin 
and Tonty repaired to the site which the former had 
chosen for the dock.^ On his way there, La Salle turned 
aside to view the great Cataract ; the first engraved view 
and detailed description of which are given by his com- 
panion, Hennepin, in his "New Discovery." La Salle 
had passed within fifteen miles of it ten years before, as 
he was coasting by canoe along the southerly shore of 
Lake Ontario, but this was his first visit.^ 

Tonty was now given the command of the working 
party. A place was cleared for the stocks. The woods 
resounded with the strokes of the axe, that pioneer of 
western civilization. Oaks were felled, and converted 
into plank ; and their branches fashioned into ribs and 
knees, to conform the ship to a shapely model. 

' Margry, D^couv., Vol. L, pp. 576, 577. Hennepin, N. D., p. 96. 
^ Margry, Dfecouv., Vol. I, p. 139. 



13 



98 THE BTIILBING AND 

On the twenty-sixth, the keel was laid ; and everything 
being ready, La Salle sent the carpenter to invite Hen- 
nepin to strike the first blow for the commerce of the 
lakes. The modesty of the good father for once over- 
came his ambition, and he declined the proffered honor. 
La Salle then promised ten Louis d'or, to encourage the 
carpenter to hasten the work.^ 

It now became necessary for La Salle to return to Fort 
Frontenac, to obtain supplies for his proposed ship, and 
to appease the clamors of his importunate creditors. It 
was about the first of February, and the snow still lay 
deep in the leafless woods. His bark had been wrecked, 
and the lake was too treacherous for a wintry voyage by 
canoe or brigantine. Nothing, however, could repress his 
untiring energy. Setting out on snow-shoes, with only 
two men for his companions, and a dog to draw his bag- 
gage, he traversed the frozen route of over eighty 
leagues, to Fort Frontenac. He took no provisions but a 
l)ag of parched corn, and even that failed him before he 
reached his destination.^ Hennepin and Tonty accom- 
panied him as far as Niagara. While there, La Salle 
traced a fort, which, after the prince of that name, he 
called Fort Conty. In order to deceive the Senecas, he 
pretended it was for a building he had promised them for 
a blacksmith. 



^ Hennepin, N. D,, p. 95. 

*Margry, Dfecouv., Vol. I.. jDp. 442, 577. Hennepin, K D., p. 97. 



VO YA GE OF THE GRIFFON. 99 

La Motte lost no time in commencing a house on the 
site, and fortifying it with paUsades, for the protection of 
the party and the storage of their supplies.^ Thus were 
laid the foundations of that renowned fortress, over which, 
after passing successively under French and English con- 
trol, now floats the standard of the American Republic. 

After La Salle's departure, Ton ty and Hennepin returned 
to their duties at the ship-yard.^ Two bark cabins, in- 
cluding a chapel for the special use of Hennepin, were 
built with the aid of the Lidians. Divine worship was 
regularly observed ; and on Sundays and fete days, the 
sombre woods were vocal with the Gregorian chants, sung 
by the devout Franciscans. 

Fortunately they were not interrupted by the Senecas ; 
most of their warriors being absent on an expedition be- 
yond Lake Erie. The few that remained were less insolent 
through their weakness. However, they often visited the 
camp, and exhibited dissatisfaction at the progress of the 
work. One of them, feigning intoxication, attempted to 
kill La Forge, the blacksmith, who vigorously repulsed 
him with a hissing bar of red-hot iron. This, added to a 
reprimand from Hennepin, caused him to desist. The 
timely warning of a squaw, holding friendly relations with 
one of the workmen, prevented the destruction of the 
vessel; the Senecas having planned to burn it on the 
stocks. Only the strictest vigilance saved it from the 



^ Henuepin, La., p. 30. 

^Margry, Decouv., Vol. I., p. 577. 



100 THE B UILDING AND 

torch .^ So great was Tonty's fear that an attack would 
be made upon the camp, that he sent La Motte on a 
second visit to the Seneca village, to avert the design. He 
was not only successful in his mission, but secured, at the 
same time, much needed supplies of corn for Fort Fron- 
tenac, and for the party at work on the Griffon? 

While La Motte was absent on his mission, Tonty re- 
paired to Niagara, and launched the brigantine, in order 
to save what he could from the unfortunate wreck. But 
a storm arose, and the wind and ice forced him to come 
to anchor. The cable parted, and, after encountering 
great peril and fatigue, he succeeded in reaching the mouth 
of the Niagara, without accomplishing his object. After 
the storm had subsided, he embarked, by canoe, to regain 
his lost anchor ; and met La Motte on his return from the 
Senecas. Leaving the latter to fish up the anchor, Tonty 
returned to the dock.^ 

The frequent alarms which they experienced, the fear 
that provisions would fail them by reason of the loss of 
the bark, and the refusal of the Senecas to sell them sup- 
plies, greatly discouraged the carpenters.'^ They were 
otherwise demoralized by the attempted desertion of one 
of their number to the Dutch in New York. Hennepin 
assumes the credit of allaying these fears, and of stimu- 



^ Margry, Vol. I., p. 443. Hennepin, K D., p. 97. 
" Margry, Vol. I., p. 578. lb., Vol. II., p. 8. 
^ Margry, Dfecouv., Vol. I., p. 577. 
* Margry, D^couv., Vol. I., p. 444. 



VOYAGE! OF THE GRIFFON. 101 

lating the men to greater diligence, by his timely exhorta- 
tions on Sundays and festivals, and assurances that their 
work would redound to the glory of God, and the welfare 
of the Christian colonies.^ He made frequent trips to 
Niagara, carrying his portable chapel strapped to his 
shoulders; equally ready to discharge the functions of his 
holy calling, or to aid in the temporal work which La 
Salle had undertaken. The Senecas called him HocMta' 
gon, signifying hare-feet, in allusion to the custom of his 
Order in wearing sandals ^ 

Two Indians, employed as hunters, supplied the party 
with venison and other game.^ The work went on, and 
the winter wore away, without remarkable incident. 
Spring succeeded, and in the month of May the vessel 
was nearly ready for launching. Its formidable hull, 
looming up on the stocks, continued to excite the jealousy 
of the Senecas, and they again threatened to burn it. 
Fearing this, it was deemed advisable to launch it at once.* 
This was done with due formalities. A blessing was in- 
voked according to the usage of the Roman church — a 
salute was fired — the Te Deum was chanted, and the vessel 
safely floated in the Cayuga channel of the Niagara. She 
was named " Le Gkiffon," in compliment to Count Fron- 
tenac, on whose escutcheon two winged griffins were em- 



^ Hennepin, N. D., p. 98. 

" Hennepin, N. D., p. 21. 

* Hennepin, N. D., pp. 95, 98. 

^ Margry, D6couv., Vol. I., p. 444. 



102 THE B UILDING AND 

blazoned as supporters. The Frenchmen cheered as the 
vessel entered the stream, and swung securely at her 
anchor. A party of stoical Iroquois, who were returning 
from the chase, could not repress their astonishment at 
the unusual spectacle. The skill of the Frenchmen, able 
to build such a moving fort, in so short a time, excited 
their admiration, and they called them Ot-kon, signifying, 
according to Hennepin, penetrating minds} The Senecas 
willingly joined in celebrating the launch, freely par- 
taking of the brandy which was liberally distributed on 
the joyful occasion. 

The overworked Frenchmen, released from their toil, 
and relieved from their painful vigils, gladly exchanged 
their cheerless quarters on land, for the deck of the 
Qriffon, where they swung their hammocks ; secure, for 
the first time, from the jealous owners of the soil.^ 

While these events were transpiring under the super- 
vision of Tonty, La Salle, whose duties detained him at 
Fort Frontenac, was harrassed by his creditors, clamorous 
for the payment of their dues. All his effects at Montreal 
and Quebec were attached, even to the bed of his secre- 
tary; notwithstanding his interest in Fort Frontenac, 
alone, was ample security for all his debts, without rely- 



^ Margry, D^couv., Vol. I., p. 444. Ot-kon is a Mohawk word, 
taken by Hennepin from Bruyas' Dictionary of that language. The 
corresponding word in Seneca is Ot-goh, and signifies supernatural 
beings or spirits. Bruyas' Mohawk Dictionary, p. 120. 

* Hennepin, N. D., p. 100. Margry, D^couv., Vol. I,, p. 444. 



VOYAGE OF THE GRIFFON. 103 

ing upon returns from his western venture. These hostile 
proceedings originated, in part, from jealousy of the man. 
They did not, however, modify his purpose, but stimu- 
lated him to prosecute his enterprise, regardless of the 
machinations of his enemies.^ 

The Oriffon being safely moored in the river, and the 
time approaching for the commencement of her western 
voyage, Hennepin, in order to ascertain the feasibility of 
taking her up the Niagara into Lake Erie, was dispatched 
on a reconnoissance. Accompanied by a single Indian in 
a bark canoe, he twice poled up the rapids, as far as 
the lake ; sounding their depth, and estimating their 
force. He reported that no difficulty existed in the un- 
dertaking, if the Griffon should be favored with a fresh 
north or north-west breeze.^ 

Soon after the vessel was completed, she sailed up the 
eastern side of Grand Island, overcoming the current with 
her sails alone. She dropped anchor below Squaw Island, 
in ten feet of water, two and a-half miles from the lake, 
where she could ride secure in any weather.^ 

Hennepin now repaired to Fort Frontenac for the pur- 
pose of obtaining, from his brethren there, some com- 
panions to aid him in his proposed mission to the great 
West. Leaving the Griffon at her anchorage, he descended 
the river by canoe, with two assistants, as far as the 



^ Margry, D^couv., Vol. I., p. 444. Hennepin, N. D., pp. 101, 102. 
'Hennepin, IST. D,, p. 102. 
' Hennepin, N. D., p. 103. 



104 THE BUILDING AND 

landing just above the Falls. From thence they carried 
their canoe over the portage ; and launching it again at 
the foot of the Mountain Ridge, proceeded to Lake 
Ontario. Here they found the brigantine which the 
Sieur de la Forest had brought from Fort Frontenac. 
After spending a few days at the mouth of the river in 
trading with the Indians, they sailed for the Fort. The 
sea-sickness of a party of squaws, who embarked with 
them to save a journey of forty leagues, by land, to their 
village, rendered the voyage quite disagreeable, particu- 
larly to Father Hennepin, who emphatically expresses 
himself quite disgusted with his fellow voyagers.^ 

After touching at the mouth of the Oswego river, where 
they traded with the Iroquois, exchanging brandy for furs 
(a proceeding strongly condemned by Hennepin), they 
crossed the lake and landed on Gull Island, called by 
Hennepin " Goilans" one of the group which lies off Point 
Traverse in the eastern end of Lake Ontario. This island 
was so named from the gulls that frequented it in great 
abundance. They deposited their eggs in the sand, and 
left them to be hatched by the sun. Hennepin states 
that he "gathered and carried away a large quantity, 
which relished well in omelette."^ 

On arriving at Fort Frontenac, Hennepin was welcomed 
by his Franciscan brethren. Two of the Order, Gabriel 



^ Hennepiu, N. D., pp. 104, 105. 
" Hennepin, N. D., p. 106. 



VO YA GE OF THE GRIFFON. 105 

de la Ribourde and Zenobe Membre, were chosen to ac- 
company him in the memorable voyage of the Qriffon} 

On the twenty-seventh of May, while the party were at 
Fort Frontenac, La Salle, in recognition of the services of 
the Franciscans, conveyed to the Order eighteen acres of 
land bordering on the lake near the Fort, and about one 
hundred in the adjacent forest. He also decreed, by 
virtue of his authority as governor and proprietor of the 
Fort, that no other Order should be established in its 
vicinity. 

After visiting the neighboring Indians, the Franciscans 
embarked in the brigantine for Niagara.^ They landed 
first at the mouth of the Genesee river, where they traded 
with the Senecas ; purchasing furs and supplies, with guns, 
knives, powder, lead and brandy ; the latter being the 
most in demand. Hennepin secluded himself from these 
distractions, by retiring some distance in the woods ; where 
he built a bark chapel for religious observances. While 
they were thus delayed. La Salle arrived at the end of 
eight days, on his way to the Seneca village. On reach- 
ing the latter, he made some presents to attach the Indians 
to his interest, and to counteract the prejudices which his 
enemies had secretly excited against him. These negotia- 
tions detained them so long, as to prevent their reaching 
Niagara before the thirtieth of June. 



^ Hennepin, N. D., p. lOY. 
' Hennepin, N. D , pp. 108, 109, 110. 
14 



106 THE BUILDING AND 

On the fourth of July,^ Hennepin and Sergeant la Fleur 
set out on foot to rejoin the Qriffcni. They visited the 
great Cataract on their way, and stopped at the stocks 
where the vessel had been built, and which Hennepin 
locates at six leagues from Lake Ontario. While resting 
there, two young Indians seriously incommoded the 
fathers, by slyly appropriating all their provisions. Here 
they found an old bark canoe, much dilapidated, which 
they repaired as well as their conveniences allowed. In 
this, with extemporized paddles, they risked the voyage 
up the Niagara, and were cordially welcomed on board 
the Griffon still swinging at her anchors, in the current 
below the rapids.^ A party of Iroquois returning with 
prisoners from a western foray, visited the ship on their 
way, and were struck with amazement that the material 
for her equipment, including such large anchors, could 
have been brought up the rapids of the St. Lawrence. 
" Gannoron ! " they exclaimed, in their astonishment ; an 
expression in their language for " Wonderful." ^ Leaving 
instructions with the pilot, not to attempt the ascent of 
the river, Hennepin returned to Niagara on the sixteenth. 



^ Hennepin, N. D., p. 111. There is some confusion of dates in 
Hennepin's narrative, not reconcilable. 
' Hennepin, N. D., p. 112. 

' This is not a Seneca, but a Mohawk word. It was evidently- 
borrowed by Hennepin from Father Bruyas' manuscript Dictionary 
of the Mohawk Language, which the former consulted in America. 
The corresponding word in the Seneca dialect is Ga-nd-oh, which 
signifies literally, difficult or extraordinary. Bruyas' Radical 
Words of the Mohawk Language, p. 83. 



VOTAGJS OF THE GRIFFON. 107 

and brought up the brigantine in which they had come 
from Fort Frontenac, as far as the Great Rock ; and an- 
chored her at the foot of the Three Mountains.^ 

The munitions of war, provisions and rigging with 
which the brigantine was loaded, was now carried over 
the portage by the crew, aided by the Franciscans, in- 
volving many a weary and painful journey of two long 
leagues. Father Gabriel, sixty-four years old, went up 
and down the Three Mountains, three several times, with 
remarkable activity and endurance. It required four per- 
sons to carry the largest anchor ; but a liberal distribution 
of brandy encouraged the men, and lightened their labor.^ 

The transportation of their effects being thus accom- 
plished, all repaired to the outlet of Lake Erie, and waited 
for the sailing of the Griffon. Hennepin took advantage 
of the delay, to make another visit to the Falls, in com- 
pany with La Salle and Father Gabriel.^ He was so 
charmed with the fine scenery, the abundant fishery, and 
the beauty of the river, that he proposed to La Salle to 
found a settlement on its borders. By this means, he 
claimed, the Indian trade could be monopolized, and at 
the same time the interests of religion be promoted.^ 

But La Salle was in debt ; depending for the liquidation 
of his liabilities on the furs he expected to realize from 
the far West. This consideration, coupled with an intense 



1 Hennepin, N. D., p. 113. 
» Hennepin, N. D., p. 114. 
^ Hennepin, K D., p. 116. 
* Hennepin, N. D., p. 105. 



108 THE BUILDING AND 

desire to explore the interior of the continent, prevented 
his listening to the entreaties of Hennepin. 

Everything being ready for the voyage, several fruitless 
attempts were made by the Oriffon to ascend the rapids 
into Lake Erie. The winds were either adverse, or too 
light. While thus waiting, a part of the crew cleared 
some land on the Canadian shore, and sowed several 
varieties of garden seeds. " This," says Hennepin, " was 
done for the benefit of those who should be engaged in 
maintaining, over the portage, the communication between 
the vessels navigating the two lakes." ^ They discovered 
some wild chervil^ and quantities of Spanish garlic (ros- 
camhole), growing there spontaneously.^ 

The crew had been reduced, by leaving Father Melithon 
and others at the stocks above the Falls. A portion of 
the remainder encamped on shore, to lighten the vessel in 
its attempts to stem the rapid current. Divine service 
was daily observed on board, and the preaching on Sundays 
and festivals could easily be heard by the men on shore.^ 

On the twenty-second of July, Tonty was sent forward 
with five men, to join a company of fourteen, who had, 
some time before, been ordered by La Salle to rendezvous 
at the mouth of the Detroit river.* 



' Hennepin, N. D., p. 118. 

* Judge Clinton says, that the chervil was probably the sweet 
cicely, and the roscambole either the leek or garlic. 

=* Hennepin, N. D., p. 119. 

" Margry, D^couv., Vol. I., p. 678, 



voyag:e of the griffon. io9 

At length the wished-for wind from the north-east arose ; 
and the party, to the number of thirty-two souls, including 
the two Recollects who had recently joined them from 
Fort Frontenac, embarked ; and, contrary to the predic- 
tions of the pilot, succeeded in ascending the rapids into 
the lake,^ as heretofore described. 

It was a moment of rejoicing and profound gratitude, 
religiously acknowledged by the happy voyagers, as the 
vessel floated on the bosom of what Hennepin styles, " the 
beautiful Lake Erie." 

She now spread her sails to the auspicious breeze, and 
commenced her adventurous voyage. The vast inland 
seas over which she was about to navigate, had never 
been explored, save by the canoe of the Indian, timidly 
coasting along their shores. Without chart to warn of 
hidden dangers, she boldly ploughed her way,— the humble 
pioneer of the vast fleets of our modern lake commerce. 

A moonless night succeeded. They had been told that 
Lake Erie was full of shoals, fatal to navigation ; so they 
cautiously felt their way, sounding as they went.^ 

A thick fog now settled on the lake. Suddenly the 
sound of breakers was borne to the ears of the watchful 
crew, on the dark and murky night. All but La Salle 
were sure it was the noise of the waves, occasioned by a 
change of wind. But La Salle had seen the rude chart 
of Gallin^e, made ten years before, containing a rough 



^ Margry, Vol. I., p, 445. 
* Hennepin, N. D., p. 121. 



110 THE BUILDING AND 

outline of the northern shore ; showing Long Point, ad- 
vancing south-eastward across the pathway of the Qrifon. 
Suspecting they were approaching this danger, he ordered 
the pilot to change the course to east-north-east. They 
proceeded in that direction, under a light breeze, for two 
or three hours; hearing the same noise, and sounding 
constantly, without finding bottom. An hour later, the 
depth suddenly diminished to three fathoms. All hands 
were aroused, and the course changed. At length the fog 
lifted and Long Point lay directly before them. La Salle's 
conjections proved correct. His caution and vigilance had 
saved his bark from probable wreck. ^ On the next day, 
they doubled the dangerous headland, which they named 
Saint Francis ;^ now known as Long Point. 

At sunset, they had already sailed forty-five leagues 
from the outlet of the lake. After another anxious night 
they reached the widest part of the lake ; from the shores 
of which, on either hand, stretched interminable forests, 
unbroken by the faintest sign of civilization. Westward 
the course of Empire was now taking its way, under the 
flag of France, gallantly borne by her adventurous explor- 
ers, of which the projector and builder of the Griffon was 
the chief. 

France was thus laying the foundations of her dominion 
over Canada, the North-west and Louisiana ; soon to be 
wrested from her by the more powerful grasp of England — 



' Margry, Dfecouv,, Vol. II., p. 230. 
' Hennepin, N. D., p. 122. 



VOYAGE OF THE G BIFF ON. \\\ 

the latter, in her turn, compelled to yield the fairest 
portion of her conquest to her rebellious colonies. 

On the ninth, the winds being favorable, and the lake 
smooth, Pointe au Pins and Pointe Pellee were doubled, on 
the right ; and on the tenth, early in the morning, pass- 
ing between Pointe Pellee and the Bass Islands, they 
reached the mouth of the Detroit river.^ 

Here they found Tonty and his men, waiting for the 
ship. They had encamped on a narrow beach at the 
mouth of the strait, with the river in front and a marsh 
in the rear. A fresh north-east wind had, during the 
night, so suddenly raised the water at that end of the 
lake, that it surprised and threatened to overwhelm them, 
in their slumbers. At break of day, the Grijfon appeared — 
a welcome sight. They signaled her with three columns 
of smoke. She came to anchor at the summons, and re- 
ceived them on board. 

On the eleventh, she entered the river and sailed up 
between Qrosse Isle and Bms Black islands. Hennepin 
was even more impressed with the beautiful scenery of 
this river, than by that of the Niagara. Following the 
official account, he describes the strait as thirty leagues 
long; bordered by low and level banks, and navigable 
throughout its entire length. That on either hand were 
vast prairies, extending back to hills covered with vines, 
fruit trees, thickets and tall forests, so distributed as to 
seem rather the work of art, than of nature. All kinds 



' Margry D^couv., Vol. L, p. 445. Hennepin, K D., p. 122. 



112 THE B UILDING AND 

of game abounded, including many species new to the 
travelers. The awnings which covered the deck of the 
Oriffon, were garnished with carcasses of deer, killed by 
the crew. Abundance of all kinds of timber, suitable for 
building purposes, was growing on shore; also fruit- 
bearing trees, including the walnut, the chestnut, plum 
and apple ; together with wild vines, loaded with grapes, 
from which they made a little wine. " The inhabitants," 
says Hennepin, " who will have the good fortune, some 
day, to settle on this pleasant and fertile strait, will bless 
the memory of those who pioneered the way, and crossed 
Lake Erie by more than a hundred leagues of an untried 
navigation."^ 

Hennepin had failed to induce La Salle to found a 
colony on the banks of the Niagara. He now set forth 
the superior merits of the Detroit river for such an 
establishment, pressing its commercial advantages ; while 
his real object, as avowed in his narrative, was to advance 
the interests of religion, under cover of secular considera- 
tions.^ But he made no impression on the fixed purposes 
of La Salle, who resolutely pursued his way in the Griffon, 
intent on the accomplishment of the great enterprise he 
had inaugurated. 

On the tenth of August, the festival of Sainte Glare, 
they entered and crossed the lake, which they named 
after that martyred saint. In attempting to pass from 



^ Hennepin, N. D., p. 124. Margry, Decouv., Vol. I., p. 445. 
^ Hennepin, N. D., p. 105. 



VOYAGJEJ OF THE QBIFFON. 113 

the lake into the river above, they encountered the same 
obstacles, which, after the lapse of two centuries, confront 
the mariners of the present day. It is a reproach to the 
enterprise of two powerful commercial nations, that they 
should suffer such a barrier to exist, for a single season, 
in the great highway between the east and the west. In 
describing it, Hennepin says : " We found the mouth of the 
St. Clair river divided into many narrow channels, full of 
sand-bars and shoals. After carefully sounding them all, 
we discovered a very fine one, two or three fathoms deep, 
and almost a league wide, throughout its entire length."* 

Contrary winds delayed their progress through the St. 
Clair river for several days. At length they were enabled 
to approach Lake Huron ; but the violent current, increased 
by a northerly gale, prevented their advancing. The wind 
shifting to the south, they succeeded, with the aid of a 
dozen men towing on shore, as at the outlet of Lake Erie, 
in surmounting the rapids, which were pronounced by 
Hennepin almost as strong as those of the Niagara. They 
entered the lake on the twenty-third of August ; the Fran- 
ciscans chanting the Te Deum for the third time, and 
thanking the Almighty for their safe navigation thus far, 
and for the sight of the great bay of Lake Huron ; on the 
eastern shores of which their brethren had established the 



1 Hennepin, N. D., p. 128. Margry, D^couv., Vol. I., p. 446. The 
figures in the text are greatly exaggerated. Neither of the channels 
through the St. Clair flats, are over half a mile wide, and their 
average depth is less than ten feet. 
15 



114 TSE B UILDING AND 

earliest missions in North America, sixty -four years be- 
fore.^ 

As soon as they entered the lake, a fresh wind drove 
them rapidly along its eastern shore until evening, when 
it changed violently to the south-west. The Griffon then 
tacked to the north-west, and, running on that course all 
night, crossed the great bay of " Sakinam'' (Saginaw), 
thirty miles in width, and which penetrates twice that 
distance into the heart of the Michigan Peninsula. When 
morning came, they were running in sight of land, on a 
north-westerly course, parallel with the western coast. 
This continued until evening, when they were becalmed 
in two fathoms water, among the Thunder Bay Islands. 
They sought, under easy sail, for an anchorage, during a 
part of the next night ; but, finding none satisfactory, and 
the wind increasing from the west, they steered north to 
gain an offing, sounding their way and waiting for the day. 
La Salle, having discovered evidences of negligence on the 
part of the pilot, took personal supervision of the lead 
during the remainder of the voyage.^ 

On the twenty-fifth, they were becalmed until noon ; 
when, favored by a southerly wind, they steered north- 
west. Suddenly, the wind veered to the south-west. At 
midnight, they changed their course to the north, to avoid 
a cape, since known as Presque Isle, which projected into 
the lake. Hardly had they doubled this, when a furious 



^ Hennepin, N. D., p. 129. 

* Margry, D^couv., Vol. I., p. 447. Hennepin, N. D., p. 131. 



VO YA GE OF THE GRIFFON. 115 

gale compelled them to beat to windward under main and 
foresail, and then to lie to until morning.^ 

On the twentj-eixth, the violence of the gale obliged 
them to send down their topmasts, to lash their yards to 
the deck, and drift at the mercy of the storm. At noon, 
the waves ran so high and the lake became so rough, as to 
compel them to stand in for the land.^ 

At this junction, as related by Hennepin, La Salle en- 
tered the cabin in much alarm, exclaiming that he com- 
mended his enterprise to the Divine protection. " We had 
been accustomed," says Hennepin, " during the entire voy- 
age, to fall on our knees morning and evening, to say our 
prayers publicly, and sing some hymns of the church. 
But the storm was now so violent, that we could not re- 
main on deck. In this extremity, each one performed his 
devotions independently, as well as he could, except our 
pilot, who could never be persuaded to follow our example. 
He complained that the Sieur de la Salle had brought him 
thus far, to lose, in a fresh-water lake, the glory he had 
acquired in many successful voyages by sea."^ 

In this fearful crisis. La Salle was induced, by the im- 
portunity of the Recollects, to make a special vow ; and, 
taking Saint Anthony de Padua, the tutelary saint of the 
sailor, for his patron, he promised, that if God would de- 
liver them from their present peril, the first chapel erected 



^ Margiy, D^couv., Vol. I., p. 447. 
^ Margry, D^couv., Vol. I., p. 447. 
•'Hennepin, N. D., p. 132. 



1X6 THE B UILBING AND 

in Louisiana should be dedicated to the memory of that 
venerated saint. The vow seems to have met a response, 
for the wind slightly decreased. They were obliged, how- 
ever, to lie to, drifting slowly all night, unable to find 
either anchorage or shelter. 

On the twenty-seventh, they were driven north-westerly 
until evening ; when, under favor of a light southerly breeze, 
they rounded Point St. Ignace, and anchored in the calm 
waters of the bay of Missillimackinac, described as a shel- 
tered harbor, protected on all sides, except from the south- 
east.^ Here our voyagers found a settlement, composed of 
Hurons {Kishalcons) , Ottawas, and a few Frenchmen. A 
bark-covered chapel bore the emblem of the cross, erected 
over a mission planted by the Jesuits. Like a dim taper, 
it shone, with feeble light, in a vast wilderness of pagan 
darkness. Here it was that Marquette and JoUiet, priest 
and layman, organized, six years before, their memorable 
voyage down the Mississippi ; and here the bones of the 
honored missionary found a grave, until rifled by some 
sacreligious relic hunter. A few fragments that were 
spared, have been gathered and preserved with pious care, 
soon to be deposited under a monument, which will be 
visible far and wide, over land and water ; and show, to 
coming generations, where the thrice-buried remains of the 
heroic Marquette have found a final resting place. 

The safe arrival of the Griffon in this secure haven, was 
the occasion of great rejoicing to the weary voyagers. A 



Margry, D^couv., Vol. I., p. 447. 



VO TA GE OF THE GRIFFON. HJ 

salute was fired from her deck, and thrice responded to by 
the fire-arms of the Hurons on shore. Mass was gratefully 
celebrated by the Franciscans, in the chapel of the Otta- 
was. La Salle attended, robed in fine clothes, including a 
scarlet cloak bordered with gold lace ; his arms being laid 
aside in the chapel, in charge of a sentinel. In the dis- 
tance, the Griffon lay at anchor ; presenting, with her fine 
equipment, an imposing appearance. More than a hun- 
dred bark canoes gathered around her, attracted by the 
novel spectacle.^ 

La Salle found, at Missillimackinac, a part of the fifteen 
men that he had sent forward from Fort Frontenac to 
trade with the Illinois Indians, and whom he supposed 
were already among the latter. They had listened to re- 
ports on the way, that the plans of La Salle were visionary, 
and that the Gnffon would never reach Missillimackinac. 
La Salle seized four of the deserters ; and, learning that 
two more were at the Saut Sainte Marie, he despatched 
Tonty on the twenty-ninth of September, with six assist- 
ants, to arrest them. 

As the season was rapidly passing away, he was unable 
to wait for Tonty's return, and gave orders for the depart- 
ure of the Griffon. On the twelfth of September, five days 
before Tonty's return, she sailed out of the straits, into 
Lake Michigan, then named Illinois.^ A prosperous run 



' Hennepin, N. D., p. 135. Margry, D^couv., Vol. I., pp. 449, 579. 

* Margry, Vol. I,, p. 450. Hennepin, La., p. 68. Hennepin, N. D., 
p. 140. Hennepin says, the Griffon left Missillimackinac on the 
second of September. 



118 THE B UILDING A ND 

brought her to an island since called Washington Island, 
forty leagues from Missillimackinac, inhabited by the 
Pottawatamies. It is situated at the entrance of La Grand 
Bale, a name since corrupted into Green Bay. Some of 
the party were found there, who had been sent forward by 
La Salle to the Illinois, the year previous. They had 
collected a large quantity of furs, to the amount of 12,000 
pounds, in anticipation of the arrival of the Qriffori. Our 
navigators found secure shelter in a small bay, now known 
as Detroit harbor, on the southerly side of the island, 
where they rode out, at anchor, a violent storm of four 
days' duration,^ 

As winter was now approaching. La Salle loaded the 
Griffon with the furs which had thus been collected ; in- 
tending to send them to the storehouse he had built above 
the falls ; from thence to be transhipped to Fort Frontenac, 
in satisfaction of the claims of his creditors. His own 
purpose was to pursue his route, by canoe, to the head of 
Lake Michigan ; and from thence to the country of the 
Illinois. Being unable to obtain more than four canoes, 
which were wholly insufficient to contain all the merchan- 
dise and the various articles destined for his southern 
enterprise, he was obliged to leave a portion of his goods 
in the Griffon, with directions to the pilot to deposit them 
at Missillimackinac, until the vessel should call for them, 
on her return voyage.^ 



^ Margry, Decouv,, Vol. I., p. 450. Hennepin, N. D., p. 140. 
* Margry, Decouv., Vol. I., p. 450. 



VOYAGE OF THE GRIFFON. 119 

The Griffon sailed for the Niagara on the eighteenth of 
September, but without La Salle; a fatal error, which 
probably caused the loss of the vessel, her cargo and crew. 
A favorable wind bore her from the harbor ; and, with a 
single gun, she bid adieu to her enterprising builder, who 
never saw her again. She bore a cargo, valued, with the 
vessel, at fifty or sixty thousand francs, obtained at a 
great sacrifice of time and treasure. She was placed 
under the command of the pilot, Luc, assisted by a super- 
cargo and five good sailors; with directions to call at 
Missillimackinac, and from thence proceed to the Niagara. 
Nothing more was heard of her. On the second daj^ after 
she sailed, a storm arose which lasted five days. It was 
one of those destructive gales which usually prevail at 
that season over the northern lakes. She is reported to 
have been seen among the islands in the northerly end of 
Lake Michigan, two days after sailing, by some Pottawat- 
amies, who advised the pilot to wait for more favorable 
weather. They last saw her half a league from the shore, 
helplessly driven by the storm upon a sandy bar, where 
she probably foundered ; a total loss, with all on board. -^ 

A hatchway, a cabin door, the truck of a flag-staff, a 
piece of rope, a pack of spoiled beaver skins, two pair of 
linen breeches torn and spoiled with tar, were subsequently 
found, and recognized as relics of the ill-fated ship.^ 



^ Hennepin, N. D.,p. 142. Margry, D^couv., Vol. I., pp. 430, 451. 
^ Margry, D^conv., Vol. II., p. 74. 



120 THE BUILDING AND 

The day after she sailed, La Salle, with the Recollects 
and fourteen men, left in four bark canoes, laden with a 
forge and its appurtenances, carpenters', joiners', and saw- 
yers' tools, with arms and merchandise, and pursued his 
way along the western shore of Lake Michigan, and en- 
tered the Illinois and Mississippi rivers, in the prosecution 
of his enterprise. After leaving Green Bay, he had hardly 
crossed half way from the island to the main shore, when 
the same storm in which the Qriffon was wrecked, burst 
upon his party, in all its fury. They succeeded in land- 
ing in a small sandy bay, where they were detained five 
days, waiting for the abatement of the tempest. In the 
mean time. La Salle was filled with anxious forebodings 
as to ihQ safety of his vessel.^ Many months elapsed be- 
fore he heard of its loss. It was not the only disaster, but 
one of a series, which befell this enterprising explorer. 
Yet his iron will was not subdued, nor his impetuous ardor 
diminished. He continued to prosecute his discoveries, 
under the most disheartening reverses, with a self reliance 
and energy that never faltered. He was equal to every 
situation, whether sharing the luxuries of civilized life, or 
the privations of the wilderness; whether contending with 
the snows of a Canadian winter, or the burning heats of 
Texas ; whether paddling his canoe along the northern 
lakes, or seeking, by sea, for the mouth of the Mississippi. 
His eventful life embodied the elements of a grand epic 
poem, full of romantic interest and graphic incident ; alter- 



Hennepin, N. C, p. 144. Margry, D^couv., Vol. I., p. 451. 



VO YA GE OF THE GRIFFON. 



121 



nating in success and failure, and culminating in a tragic 
death. 

France and America, in friendly and honorable rivalry, 
are now seeking to do justice to his fame. The rehearsal 
of the story of the Griffon^ the building of which, through 
his enterprise, was the earliest event of historical interest 
on the Niagara frontier, seems, on this bi-centennial anni- 
versary, an appropriate tribute to his memory. 




16 




NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION OF THE MAR- 
QUIS DE NONVILLE, AGAINST THE SENEGAS 
IN 1687.1 

Introduction. 

5HE following Journal of the Expedition of the 
Marquis De Nonville against the Senecas, was 
communicated by him to the French Govern- 
ment, in the month of October, 1687. It was 
copied from the original in the archives of the Marine 
Department in France, under the supervision of J. Romeyn 
Brodhead, Esq., the agent sent to Europe by the state of 
New York, to procure documents relating to its early 
history. 

The copy, of which the following is a translation, may 
be found among the " Paris Documents,'' deposited in the 
State Department at Albany. It has never been published 
before, either in the original French or in English. 



^ Reprinted from vol. II., of the N. Y. Historical Society's New 
Series. For the use of the copy containing this paper, the editor is 
greatly indebted to the unfailing courtesy of H. A. Homes, the 
urbane librarian of the N. Y. State Library at Albany. 



124 I>E NONVILLE'S EXPEDITION 

The Baron Le Hontan, who travelled extensively along 
the Northern Lakes, near the close of the 17th century, 
was in the expedition, and has given a brief account of it 
in his " Travels," a translation of which will be found in 
the appendix. 

Golden, in his History of the Five Nations, and Smith, 
in his History of New York, each give an account of the 
incursion, in which they follow La Hontan almost ver- 
batim. 

The Journal of De Nonville will be found to be a minute 
diary of what transpired from the commencement to the 
close of the expedition, and corrects many of the errors 
into which the above named historians have fallen. 

The Marquis was a colonel in the French dragoons, and 
succeeded M. De La Barre, in the year 1685, as Governor 
General of Canada, or New France, as it was then called. 
The age and infirmities of M. De La Barre, and the unfor- 
tunate result of the expedition he undertook against the 
Iroquois, in which he was so signally overmatched by the 
shrewdness and eloquence of the famous Gazangula^ at La 
Famine, or Hungry Bay, induced the French Government 
to recall him, and to send in his place, a man, who, ac- 
cording to the testimony of Charlevoix, was equally es- 
teemed for his valor, his wisdom and his piety. 



^ His name is thus written by La Hontan. It appears to be a cor- 
ruption of the French words La Grande Gueule, or " the big mouth," 
by which he was known to the French. This noted chief was a 
Seneca, and was called by his people Haaskouan. 



AGAINST THE SENEGAS. 125 

When the new Governor assumed the direction of affairs 
in the Province, he found it necessary to restrain the 
ferocity, and curb the pride of the Iroquois, who main- 
tained a tone of insolent defiance towards the colony. To 
accomplish this purpose, he resolved upon an expedition 
to lay waste the fields and destroy the villages of the 
Senecas, then located near the Genesee river, and to con- 
struct a fort at the mouth of the Niagara, which in con- 
nection with Fort Catarocouy,^ would not only hold that 
warlike tribe in check, but give the French complete com- 
mand of the Lakes, and of the valuable fur trade which 
was then an object of contention between them and the 
English. 

At this period, the northern, middle and western parts 
of the state of New York were a howling wilderness, and 
the Five Nations ranged their hunting grounds in un- 
molested freedom. 

The English claimed jurisdiction over them as subjects 
of the crown, and information in regard to the hostile prep- 
arations of the French, was soon carried by the watchful 
Iroquois to the ears of Colonel Dongan, Governor of New 
York. The latter immediately wrote to the Marquis De 
Nonville, that from the great collection of provisions at 
Catarocouy, the Iroquois were persuaded an attack was 
meditated against them — that they were subjects of the 
crown of England, and any injury to them would be an 
open infraction of the peace which existed between their 



^ Now- Kingston. 



126 I>B NONYILLE'8 EXPEDIIION 

two Kings.' He also stated that he understood the French 
intended to construct a fort at Niagara, which astonished 
him exceedingly, as no one could be ignorant, that it lay 
within the jurisdiction of New York. 

M. De Nonville replied to this letter, that the Iroquois 
feared chastisement, because they knew they deserved it; 
that the provisions collected at Catarocouy were required 
for the large garrison necessarily kept at that point — that 
the pretensions of England to the lands of the Iroquois 
were unfounded, as the French had taken possession of 
them long before there was an Englishman in New York. 
He further stated, that while their Kings and masters 
were living in perfect amity, it would be unwise for their 
Lieutenant Generals to embroil themselves in war. 

It does not appear that Colonel Dongan took any 
measures to counteract the designs of De Nonville, except 
by giving warning to the Iroquois of their impending 
danger, and by supplying them with arms and ammunition. 

It not being known upon which of the tribes the blow 
would fall, no effectual measures coald be taken to avert 
it. As the sequel proved, the French kept their own 
counsel, and made their attack at a point which had 
hitherto escaped invasion. 

It will appear from the Journal, that the first open act 
of hostility committed by the French, was the seizure of a 
number of the Iroquois, including some chiefs, at Cataro- 
couy, and in their villages in its vicinity. 

To lure them within his power, De Nonville made use 
of the influence of the Jesuit Father Lamberviile, who 



A GAINST THE SENEGAS. 127 

acted in ignorance of his design. They were seized for 
the alleged purpose of preventing them from communi- 
cating intelligence to their tribes of the movements of the 
French. 

News of the seizure soon reached the Onondagas, among 
whom Father Lamberville was then residing as a mis- 
sionary, and for whose safety much solicitude was enter- 
tained. 

The chiefs immediately assembled in council, and send- 
ing for the Father, related the above transaction with all 
the energy which a just indignation could arouse, and 
while he expected to feel the full effects of the rage which 
he saw depicted in every countenance, one of the old men 
unexpectedly addressed to him the following remarkable 
language, as related by Lamberville himself: 

" It cannot be denied," says he, " that many reasons 
authorize us to treat you as an enemy, but we have no in- 
clination to do so. We know you too well not to be per- 
suaded that your heart has taken no part in the treachery 
of which you have been the instrument, and we are not so 
unjust as to punish you for a crime of which we believe 
you innocent, which you undoubtedly detest as much as 
we do, and for having been the instrument of which we 
are satisfied you are now deeply grieved. It is not proper, 
however, that you should remain here. All will not, per- 
haps, render you the justice which we accord, and when 
once our young men shall have sung their war song, they 
will look upon you only as a traitor, who has delivered 
over our chiefs to a cruel and ignoble slavery. They will 



128 BE NONYILLE'S EXPEDITION 

listen only to their own rage, from which we will then be 
unable to save you." 

Having said this, they obliged him to leave immediately, 
and furnished guides to conduct him, by a safe route, who 
did not leave him until he was out of danger. 

It appears from a speech of Colonel Dongan, delivered 
at a council held with the Five Nations, at Albany, soon 
after the expedition of De Nonville, that Lamberville gave 
immediate notice to the French Governor of all communi- 
cations and propositions which were made to the Onon- 
dagas by the English, one of the letters, which he had en- 
trusted to an Indian, having been intercepted and carried 
to Colonel Dongan. 

De Nonville's plans and arrangements seem to have been 
judiciously conceived. His army was well supplied with 
the necessary provisions and munitions of war, and com- 
manded by able officers. So perfectly were his orders 
obeyed, that his own army, and the reinforcements from 
Niagara which he had directed to meet him, arrived simul- 
taneously at the outlet of Irondequoit bay, a coincidence 
which his savage allies considered ominous of the success 
of the expedition. 

Some difference of opinion has existed as to the precise 
point where the battle between the French and Senecas 
occurred. Col. Stone, late editor of the " New York Com- 
mercial Advertiser," and William H. C. Hosmer, Esq., 
author of '' Yonnondio," a poem of which the expedition 
of De Nonville is the theme, locate the place near West 
Avon, on the eastern banks of the Genesee. Governor 



A GAINIST THE 8ENECAS. 129 

Clinton, in his " Discourse on the Iroquois," published 
among the Collections of the New York Historical Society/ 
states that " the place on which the battle was fought, was 
formerly owned by Judge Porter, of Grand Niagara. On 
ploughing the land, three hundred hatchets and upwards 
of three thousand lbs. of old iron were found, being more 
than sufficient to defray the expense of clearing it." 

The field referred to by Governor Clinton, was located 
about six miles northeast of Avon, and half a mile west of 
the Honeoye Falls. At the time of the first settlement of 
the Genesee country, it exhibited conclusive evidence of 
having been the site of a large Indian village. Judge 
Porter became the owner of the tract in 1795, and in 1800 
ploughed a field of forty acres and sowed it with wheat. 
An Indian burying ground was embraced within its limits, 
and so uneven was the ground, occasioned by the numerous 
graves, that they were compelled to level it with the spade 
before the teams could pass over it. In ploughing the 
whole field, they turned up hatchets, gun barrels and locks, 
lead, and pieces of brass kettles, weighing in all about one 
thousand pounds. Around the graves were beds of ashes, 
and small mounds of black earth, such as are formed near 
dwellings by the accumulation of chips. From these in- 
dications. Governor Clinton was led to conclude it was on 
this spot that the French army was met by the Senecas. 

Not being able to reconcile either of the foregoing loca- 
tions with the account given by De Nonville, and as the 



^ Vol. 11, p. 67. 
17 



130 I>E NONYILLE'S EXPEDITION 

villages he visited had long been abandoned, and their 
names had ceased to be used at the time of the settlement 
of the Genesee country, it became impossible to ascertain 
their locality, without recourse to the descendants of the 
tribe by whom they had been inhabited. 

Although the Senecas have long since yielded to the 
white man the beautiful valley of the Genesee, and the 
fertile j&elds they ranged so long, still many of their old 
men are now living, who having hunted over that territory 
in their youth, possess an intimate knowledge of its topog- 
raphy, and have treasured up many stories and traditions 
connected with the lakes and streams, valleys and hills 
which diversify its surface. The principal part of the 
tribe are now concentrated on the Cattaraugus reservation, 
about thirty miles southwest of the city of Buffalo. The 
remainder are located on the Tonnewanda and Alleghany 
reservations. 

It was considered an interesting subject of inquiry, 
whether any, and if so, how correct an account of De 
Nonville's expedition had been handed down among the 
traditions of that people, and inquiries were first made for 
that purpose among the old men residing on the Cattar- 
augus reservation. The result was altogether unsatisfact- 
ory. It seemed to have almost faded from the memory of 
the nation during the lapse of less than two centuries. 
One old man who appeared familiar with the topography 
of the country in question, related a tradition which un- 
doubtedly refers to the French invasion. It is incorrect, 
however, in most particulars, but as an interesting speci- 



AGAINST THE SENEGAS. 131 

men of Indian narration, it is presented to the reader, in 
the style in which it was communicated. The speaker 
had never heard of De Nonville's expedition, except from 
the oral annals of his nation. 

On being asked if a French army had ever invaded the 
territory of the Senecas, he immediately, in a very animated 
manner, related the following tradition, which he said had 
been handed down among his family connections, who had 
resided near where the events occurred. 

'* A long while ago, perhaps almost two hundred years, 
a large army of French came into the bay and landed at 
O-nyiti-da-on'-da-gwat,^ There were several vessels full of 
soldiers, perhaps as many as ten, but the exact number I 
do not recollect. At first they traded peaceably with our 
people, but soon it was discovered that they were intend- 
ing war. Our warriors were all absent, fighting with the 
Gwah-'-gwah-g^-o-noh, in the country between the head 
waters of the Eighteen-mile Creek and the Alleghany river. 
Only the old men, too old to fight, and the young men, 
too young to go to war, and the women and children were 
at home. Of these there was a vast multitude, for the 
population of their chief town, Ga-6-sa-eh'-ga-aah, was so 
great, that a kernel of corn for each person made a quan- 
tity sufficient to fill five vessels containing one gallon each. 
As soon as the old chief learned that the French were in 
a hostile attitude, he said, ' We shall die now, for our 
warriors are not here to defend us, but let us do what we 



^ Irondequoit Bay. 



132 I>E NONVILLE'S EXPEDITION 

can to help ourselves.' They then collected all the boys 
who were big enough to handle the club, and went to a 
place where the cliffs shut in the valley of the Genesee, 
into a long defile through which they perceived the enemy 
intended to pass. Here they sat down under tlie cliffs, 
two deep, and kept concealed until the front of the enemy 
were just passing out of the defile. They then rose with 
a yell which was answered by the French. A desperate 
conflict ensued. The Indians had no arrows, nothing but 
the war club. The French army was so long, that the 
rear reached back almost to the harbor. They rushed on. 
The dead fell in heaps — at length the French gave way, 
fled to their vessels, and left the country. Their rout was 
complete and effectual. Their bones filled the defile and 
whitened all the valley, like the seeds where a heap of 
pumpkins have been broken or rotten on the ground. 
This the boys accomplished with their clubs, under the 
direction of the old chief, in the absence of the warriors." 

Tit'-ho-yoh', the interpreter, who is called William Jones 
by the whites, married a relative of Red Jacket and knew 
him intimately. He states that the chief often mentioned, 
that when a boy, he used to hear the old men speak of a 
large party of French soldiers, who penetrated the Indian 
country along the Genesee, to a place called in the Seneca 
language Sgoh'-sa-is'-thah. He did not admit, however, 
that the Indians suffered any serious defeat, which may 
be readily accounted for, from the known fact, that they 
seldom speak of disastrous occurrences, with which any 
mortifying recollections are associated, Red Jacket was 



AGAINST THE SENEGAS. 133 

misinformed as to the route pursued by the French, as will 
fully appear in the sequel. 

In the course of the inquiries made among the Senecas 
on the Cattaraugus reservation, frequent reference was 
made by them to Dyu ne-ho-gaah'-wah,^ the principal chief 
of the Tonewandas, who is better known to the whites by 
the name of John Blacksmith. He hunted in his youth 
over the country embraced within the limits of the present 
counties of Monroe, Livingston and Ontario, and thus ac- 
quired an intimate knowledge of the old Indian localities. 
This, added to a remarkable memory for one of his age, 
rendered it probable that he was possessed of the desired 
information. An interview was accordingly had with him 
at his residence on the banks of the Tonewanda, and much 
interesting information was obtained. Without apprising 
him of the object of the inquiry, he was asked if he had 
ever heard that a French army penetrated the Genesee 
country in olden time ? In answer to which he related the 
following tradition. 

"About four generations ago, a French army landed 
secretly and unexpectedly at a place called by the Senecas 
Gan-ny6-o-dat'-hah, which is a short distance from the 
head of 0-nyiu'-da-on'=da-gwat', or Irondequoit Bay, as it is 
called by the whites. They immediately marched into 
the interior towards the ancient village of the Senecas, 



^ Tlie meaning of this name is, " at the open door,'''' it being the 
title of the sachem whose station is at the western door of the *' Long 
Hoiise," of the Six Nations, and has been applied to Blacksmith, 
since the deposition and death of Little Johnson. 



134 I>E NONYILLE'S EXPEDITION 

called Ga-6-sa-eh'-ga-aab, following the main beaten path 
which led directly to that place. 

" As soon as the Indians residing at the village received 
intelligence of their approach, they sent news to the in- 
habitants of the neighboring town of Gah-a'-yan-duk. On 
being reinforced by them they met the French as they 
advanced towards the former village, and a severe battle 
ensued. On account of their inferior numbers, the Indians 
were defeated, and fled to a village then located near the 
foot of Canandaigua Lake. The French advanced, burned 
the village, and laid waste the adjacent cornfields. As 
soon as they had accomplished the above object, they re- 
traced their steps towards the landing. Runners having 
been despatched by the Senecas to their principal towns, 
to give notice of the presence of the enemy, a large force 
was soon collected to defend the village, and capture the 
French. When they reached Ga-6-sa-eh'-ga-aah, nothing 
remained of that village but its smoking ruins. They im- 
mediately pursued the French, and arrived at the bay a 
short time too late. The expedition had left the shore 
and were not yet out of sight. 

The place where the battle occurred was near a small 
stream with a hill on one side, and was long known to the 
Senecas by the name of Dya-go-di'-yu, or " the place of a 
hauler 

For the purpose of identifying this point, a map of the 
country overrun by the French, on which the lakes, rivers, 
and creeks were correctly delineated, was laid before the 
chief, on which he was requested to designate the battle 



AGAINST THE SENEGAS. I35 

field. After examining it attentively for a short time, 
during which he recognized the various places with which 
he had become familiar in his youthful rambles, his finger 
rested upon a point near the present village of Victor, in 
the county of Ontario, about ten miles north-west of Cana«- 
daigua. As this was an unlooked for location, it having 
been generally supposed that the engagement took place 
either in the vicinity of Avon, or between that village and 
Irondequoit Bay, Blacksmith was questioned particularly 
upon the subject, and found to be very positive as to the 
locality. Although his knowledge is derived only from 
tradition, the peculiar facilities he has possessed for ob- 
taining correct information, entitle him to much credit. 
His ancestors resided at Ga-6-sa-eh'-ga-aah, the village 
nearest the battle ground, and it was natural that they 
should transmit to their descendants an accurate account 
of the disasters they experienced from such unusual occur- 
rences, as the invasion of their territory by the French, and 
the destruction of one of their principal villages. 

The etymology of the name, Ga-6-sa-eh'-ga aah, as ex- 
plained by Blacksmith, will also throw some light upon 
the identity of this place. He says that the whole village 
was supplied by one spring, which issued from the side of 
a hill. To procure the water more conveniently, the 
Indians made troughs or conductors of basswood bark, 
which, when stripped from the tree, curls readily into the 
proper shape, and with these they conducted the water to 
a point where it could be caught in their vessels. 

The fact that this was the only spring in the vicinity, 
gave prominence to the use of the basswood bark, and 



136 I>E NONYILLE'B EXPEDITION 

hence, according to the Indian custom, arose the name, 
Ga-6sa-eh-ga-aah, or the hasswood harh lies there. 

On the western declivity of the hill on which the village 
was situated, now called Boughton's Hill, is a spring which 
was known to the earliest settlers. 

For many years after the first settlement of the town of 
Victor by the whites, a plain and deep path was to be seen 
leading from the site of the Indian village to the spring in 
question. The Indian trail leading from Irondequoit Bay 
to the same village, being the one pursued by the French^ 
was also then distinctly visible. The distance of the 
battle field from the mouth of Irondequoit Bay, agrees 
with that given by the Baron La Hontan, who calls it 
seven leagues, or twenty-one miles, though distances given 
under the circumstances in which the Baron was placed, 
are not always reliable, and are generally overstated. 

On making inquiry of some of the first settlers of the 
town of Victor, residing in the vicinity of the point indi- 
cated by Blacksmith, it was ascertained that a tradition 
of a great battle between the French and Senecas at that 
place, was still current among them. One individual stated, 
that about fifty years ago. Captain Brandt, the celebrated 
Mohawk Chief, while on his way to his residence in 
Canada, stopped at Boughton's Hill, then called Castle 
Hill, and went out with Mr. Boughton and others, to view 
the " old French battle ground," — that the place which he 
pointed out has ever since been thus designated by tlie in- 
habitants. Brandt further stated, that his grandfather 



AGAINST THE 8ENECAB. 137 

piloted the French and Indians from the mouth of Iron- 
dequoit Bay to the Indian village. 

There are now many indications of the former existence 
of extensive Indian settlements in the town of Victor, 
above mentioned, within the circuit of three miles, and 
Indian hatchets, gun locks of rude construction, gun 
barrels, beads, pieces of brass kettles, stone pipes, &c. , &c., 
have been frequently found. So great a quantity of gun 
barrels, hatchets, &c., were many years ago ploughed up 
on the south part of the great lot number four, in the same 
town, that, by reason of the scarcity of iron in the new 
settlements at that early period, it became an important 
acquisition for the supply of the blacksmith's shop. Thou- 
sands of graves were then to be seen, many of which are 
yet visible, and rude implements, of savage construction, 
are often found on opening them. On the site of the old 
village, large quantities of charred corn have been turned 
up by the plough, showing that the village was destroyed 
by fire. 

The precise place where the battle occurred, is a short 
distance west of the present village of Victor, on the north- 
eastern edge of a large swamp, and on the northerly side 
of a stream now called Great Brook. On the first settle- 
ment of the country, it was partly covered with a thick 
growth of timber, and dense underbrush, forming a very 
advantageous place for an Indian ambuscade. It is about 
a mile and a quarter north-west of the site of the old 
Indian village on Bough ton's Hill, called by De Nonville 
" Gannagaro," which is a Mohawk word. 

18 



138 DE JSrONVILLE'S EXPEDITION 

Its identity with Ga-6-sa-eh'-ga-aah, the Seneca name of 
the same village, as given by Blacksmith, is not obvious, 
but the changes which the former has undoubtedly under- 
gone in receiving its French dress, may possibly account 
for the discrepance. That both names refer to the same 
place, there can be no doubt. Wentworth Greenhalp, in 
his journal of a " Voyage from Albany to the Indians in 
1677," says that " the Seneca village, Canagorah, is situated 
on the top of a great hill, much like that at Onondaga." 
This description corresponds with the situation of the old 
village on Boughton Hill. 

The " Fort," mentioned by De Nonville, " of eight 
hundred paces in circumference, and situated on a very 
advantageous height, distant half a league from Ganna- 
garo," is still an object of much interest to the antiquarian. 
Although the plough has levelled its trenches, and nearly 
obliterated the evidences of its former occupancy, enough 
remains to identify the spot. The same solitary spring 
referred to by De Nonville, as tbe only one by which the 
fort was supplied, still oozes from the declivity of the hill, 
a living witness of the locality. The height on which the 
fort was situated, is about a mile and a quarter westerly 
from the site of Gannagaro, a wide valley intervening. It 
has long been known by the name of " Fort Hill," among 
the inhabitants in its vicinity. Its summit is perfectly 
level, embracing an area of about forty acres. Its eastern 
and southern declivity is quite precipitous, along the top 
of which a trench was visible for many years after the first 
settlement of the country. A deep path led from the 



AGAINST TSE SENEGAS. 139 

south-east angle of the fort to the spring in question, and 
was probably protected by the " advanced entrenchment," 
mentioned by De Nonville. The Senecas called the forti- 
fication, Gah-a'-yan-duk, which means literally, " there was 
a fort there." 

Three other villages were also visited by the French 
expedition, to wit : Gan-no-ga-rae, Totiakto and Gan- 
nounata. The first is described as being a short league 
from Gannagaro. It must have been situated southerly 
from that place, as numerous indications of an ancient 
Indian village in that vicinity existed at the first settle- 
ment of the country. The only one which answers to 
De Nonville's description, is Chi'-nos-hah'-geh, which was 
located in the north-east part of the present town of East 
Bloomfield, about three and one-half miles south-east of 
Boughton's Hill, near where the old Indian trail crossed 
Mud Creek. Its name and location is well preserved by 
Indian tradition. When first discovered by the whites, 
this site bore many evidences of former Indian occupancy, 
and there is but little doubt that the Qannogarae of De 
Nonville, was at this point. 

To-ti-ak-to is described as a large valley, four leagues, 
or twelve miles from Gannagaro. On searching for a 
village about that distance, it was ascertained that one of 
considerable importance formerly existed in the north- 
eastern-most bend of the Honeoye outlet, near West Men- 
don, in Monroe County. This village is called by Black- 
smith, De-yu'-di-haak'-doh, which he says, signifies '■HTie 



140 ^^ NONYILLE'B EXPEDITION 

tend,'' from its location in a bend of the Honeoye. Its site 
is just eleven miles from Gannagaro. Its identity with 
To-ti-ak-to, will be perceived, when it is remembered that 
the French, in spelling Indian words, change d to t, and 
often omit the y when it comes before a vowel. They also, 
seldom, if ever, insert the nasal sounds of the vowels. The 
distance of this village from Gannagaro, corresponds with 
sufficient exactness with the four leagues given by De 
Nonville. 

The distance which the expedition traveled in return- 
ing from To-ti-ak-to, to the point where they landed, is 
stated by De Nonville at eight leagues. He undoubtedly 
pursued a somewhat circuitous route on his return, in order 
the more effectually to lay waste the fields of the Senecas. 
The distance may thus have been easily increased to eight 
leagues. 

As a further evidence that the To-ti-ak-to, mentioned by 
De Nonville, and the De-yu'-di-haak'-doh of Blacksmith, 
refer to the same village, it may be mentioned, that Mr. 
Greenhalp, in his journal above quoted, mentions " Ti-o-te- 
hat-ton," as a Seneca village lying to the westward of Cana- 
gorah, " near the river Ti-o-te-hat-ton, which signifies" 
" bending." The resemblance in orthography of the last 
name, with that given by De Nonville, and its similarity 
in meaning with the name given by Blacksmith, refer both 
to the same locality. 

The remaining village mentioned by De Nonville as 
Gannounata, two leagues from To-ti-ak-to, has not been 



AGAINST THE SJERECAS. 141 

positively identified. There was a village about two miles 
south-east of East Avon, at the source of the small stream 
which empties into the Conesus, near Avon Springs. This 
place was called by the Senecas " Dyu-do'o-s5t," from its 
location "at the spring." Seneca tradition has not pre- 
served the name or location of any other village that 
answers so well to De Nonville's description of Gannounata, 
and it is quite probable that this is the identical site. 

The Baron La Hontan, in his account of the expedition 
before referred to, gives the names of two of the villages 
visited by the French as *• The-ga-ron-hies," and " Da-non- 
ca-ri-ta-rui," the former being the same village visited by 
Father Hennepin in 1679, eight years previous. Neither 
of these names are mentioned by De Nonville, and there 
seemed to be a discrepance wholly irreconcileable. It is 
very probable, however, that they are intended for two 
high Seneca Sachems of the Snipe Clan, called in the 
Seneca dialect, " De- ga-o-yes," and " Ga-noh'-ga-ih'-da-wih." 
They were very distinguished men, and when the names 
of the villages were sought for, they were probably de- 
scribed to La Hontan as the residences of the above named 
chiefs. It is remarkable that La Fiteau, in describing the 
Indian custom of " calling their lands after their own 
names," adduces the name of this identical chief as an 
example. 

" Parmi les Tsonnontouans, Tsonnonheritaoui et Teion- 
ninnokaraouen, sont des noms affectez au pays, et a quel- 
quesuns des Chefs, particuli^rment a celui qui est le maitre 
du village." La Fiteau Moeurs des Sauvages. T. II., p. 172. 



142 I>^ ISrOlSrVILLE'S EXPEDITION 

It is very probable that the names mentioned by La 
Hontan, were given to the two chiefs in commemoration 
of their exploits, for at the commencement of the war be- 
tween the Iroquois and the Adirondacks or Algonkins, it 
was agreed, that the clan which should cross the lake seven 
times, and return with the trophies of victory, should be 
entitled to the highest honors. 

The Snipes under these two Sachems accomplished this 
feat, and their names, like official titles among civilized 
nations, have been transmitted to their successors, who 
are invested, even at the present day, with something of 
the glory of their predecessors. 

It may also be stated in this connection, that Father 
Garnier, who was long a missionary among the Iroquois, 
being found in one of their villages by Hennepin in his 
embassy to the Senecas in 1679, mentions a Seneca Chief 
by the name of Shon-non-ke-ri-ta-oui,^ and in writing from 
the Seneca Country in 1672, he calls the same chief On- 
non-ken-ri-ta-oui, and says " he is the most distinguished 
chief of the Senecas."^ 

At the period of De Nonville's invasion, the Iroquois 
were composed of five nations only, the Tuscaroras not 
having as yet been received into the confederacy. The 
French Jesuits, who visited them at an early day, and 



^ La Fiteau, T. iii, p. 159. 
' Relation, 1671-2, p. 84. 




VIRGINIA CABOLORUM. 

positively identified. There was a village about twJ miles 
south-east of East Avon, at the source of the sma^ stream 
which empties into the Conesus, near Avon Spriisgs. This 
place was called by the Senecas " Dyu-do'o-s6t," from its 
location " at the spring." Seneca tradition has not pre- 
served the name or location of any othe^ village that 
answers so well to De Nonville's description of Gannounata 
and it is quite probable that this is the identical site. 

The Baron La Hontan, in his account bf the expedition 
before referred to, gives the names of two of the villages 
visited by the French as '• The-ga-ron-^ies," and " Da-non- 
ca-ri-ta-rui," the former being the saMe village visited by 
Father Hennepin in 1679, eight yeafs previous. Neither 
of these names are mentioned by 5)e Nonville, and there 
seemed to be a discrepance wholl}| irreeoncileable. It is 
very probable, however, that they are intended for two 
high Seneca Sachems of the Snipe Clan, called in the 
Seneca dialect, " De- ga-o-yes," and " Ga-noh'-ga-ih'-da-wih." 
They were very distinguished men, and when the names 
of the villages were sought for, they were probably de- 
scribed to La Hontan as the residences of the above named 
chiefs. It is remarkable that La Fiteau, in describing the 
Indian custom of " calling their lands after their own 
names," adduces the name of this identical chief as an 
example. / % 

" Parmi les Tsonnontouans, Tsonnonheritaoui et Teion- 
ninnokaraouen, sont des noms affectez au pays, et a quel- 
quesuns des Chefs, particulierment a celui qui est le maitre 
du village." La Fiteau Moeura des Sauvages. T, II., p. 172. 



142 DE NONYILLE'S EXPEDITION 

It is very probable that the names mentioned by La 
Hontan, were given to the two chiefs in commemoration 
of their exploits, for at the commencement of the war be- 
tween tho Iroquois and the Adirondacks or Algonkins, it 
was agreed, that the clan which should cross the lake seven 
times, and return with the trophies of victory, should be 
entitled to the highi|!st lionors. 

The Snipes under these two Sachems accomplished this 

feat, and their name^ like official titles among civilized 

nations, have been tkinsmitted to their successors, who 

are invested, even at the present day, with something of 

the glory of their predecessors. 

I \ . 
It may also be staled ^n this connection, that Father 

Garnier, who was long a tnissionary among the Iroquois, 

being found in one of the% villages by Hennepin in his 

embassy to the Seneeas in 1679, mentions a Seneca Chief 

by the name of Shon-non-ke-^i-ta-oui,^ and in writing from 

the Seneca Country 4n 1672,ihe calls the same chief On- 

non-ken-ri-ta-oui, aiii says " \q is the most distinguished 

chief of the Senecasf'^ \ 

At the period off De Non villi's invasion, the Iroquois 
were composed of five nations bnly, the Tuscaroras not 
having as yet been received into the confederacy. The 
French Jesuits, who visited them;, at an early day, and 



^ La Fiteau, T. iii, p. 159. 
" Relation, 1671-2, p. 84. 



AGAINST THE SENEGAS. 143 

established missions in their principal villages, designated 
the respective cantons by the following names : 

Mohawk, Anniegue. 

Oneida, Onneiout. 

Onondaga, Onnontagu^. 

Cayuga, O'iogiien. 

Seneca, Sonnontouan. 

Father Le Mercier states that in 1665, the Mohawks 
numbered 3 or 400 warriors, the Oneidas 140, the Onon- 
dagas 300, the Cayugas 300, and the Senecas 1200, 
making 2340 men, capable of carrying on war.^ 

In 1667, Colonel Courcey, agent for Virginia, estimated 
the number of warriors belonging to the Five Nations as 
follows : 

Mohawks, 300 Cayugas, 300 

Oneidas, 200 Senecas, 1,000 

Onondagas, 350 

Total, 2,150^ 

These two estimates differ but little from that of De 
Nonville, who gives their number at 2000. Taking both 
for a basis, the whole population must have exceeded 7000 
souls. 

The French gained little honor and no advantage in 
their expedition. Their inefficiency disgusted their Indian 
allies, one of whom, an Ottawa, said they were only fit to 
make war on Indian corn and bark canoes. 



^ Relation, 1664-5, p. 45. 

* Chalmers' Political Annals, p. 606. 



144 -DE NONVILLE'S EXPEBIIION 

The writer cannot conclude without acknowledging the 
many obligations he is under to the Rev. Asher Wright, 
of the Cattaraugus Mission, for the information which his 
critical knowledge of the Seneca language enabled him to 
supply, particularly in regard to the orthography and 
meaning of the Indian geographical terms noticed on the 
map. 

Also to the Hon. Augustus Porter, of Niagara Falls, one 
of the early pioneers of Western New York, who commu- 
nicated some valuable details respecting the topography of 
that part of the Genesee country embraced within the 
operations of De Nonville. 

Acknowledgments are also due to Messrs. Dwyer, Ayl- 
worth, and Moore, of Victor, in Ontario County, for in- 
teresting information, and local traditions, which their 
early residence in that region enabled them to furnish. 



JOURNAL. 

|HE strength of the enemy consisted in the firm 
union which exists among the five great cantons 
of the Iroquois nation, each of which is in many 
respects dependent on the rest. They number 
altogether more than two thousand armed men, capable of 
carrying on war, and for many years have been held in 
such dread by all the nations of North America, that we 




A GAIJSr>ST THE 8ENEGAB. 145 

expected every day to see all the savage allies and friends 
of the Colony join them, through fear of so formidable an 
enemy. 

The, above reasons, and also because religion, through 
the opposition of these enemies, has made no progress for 
a long time, induced the King to send me orders to wage 
war against them. 

We were all winter getting ready for that purpose, and 
providing ourselves with everything necessary for an en- 
terprise so arduous by reason of the remoteness of the 
enemy, and the difficult navigation of the river St. Law- 
rence (which, for the space of thirty leagues, is full of 
cascades, waterfalls, and rapids), and also of the great 
Lake Ontario, a sea of two hundred leagues in circumfer- 
ence, on which violent and frequent winds prevail. 

These cantons of the enemy are situated on the south 
side of said Lake, widely separated from each other, and 
surrounded with small lakes, swamps, woods, and rivers. 
They are at unequal distances from Lake Ontario, so that 
one cannot reach them, except by land through the forests, 
carrying his provisions on his back during all the time he 
is compelled to be away from said Lake. 

In aid of the prosecution of this war, we resolved to 
place in security the post of Catarocouy,^ which is a small 



- Fort Catarocuoy, or " Cadaracqui," as the English called it, was 
built by the Count de Frontenac, in 1673, as a check upon the Iro- 
quois, and was for a long time called after his name. It was situated 
19 



146 I>E NON VILLE 'S EXPEDITION^ 

redoubt built by M. de Frontenac, at the foot of Lake 
Ontario. 

This plan is also necessary for the establishment of a 
magazine, and for the security of three barks, which were 
in very bad condition. Two of them were built for the 
Sieur de La Salle, for the fur trade on said Lake, and the 
third by M. de la Barre, for the service of the King. 

During all the summer of the preceding year, I was 
very desirous of establishing a magazine of provisions and 
munitions at that place, but was restrained from doing so, 
through fear of alarming those barbarians, who, incited 
and instigated by the English to make war upon us, in 
order to obtain control of the fur trade, were at that time 
on the point of falling upon the colony. They would un- 
doubtedly have done so, had it not been for the care and 
shrewdness of the Reverend Father de Lamberville, a 
Jesuit missionary in one of their villages, who by his in- 
fluence, averted the storm which would have been the more 
fatal, from our being unprepared to protect ourselves 
against their incursions. We were daily on the eve of 
great misfortunes. But Heaven ordered it otherwise, since 
it willed that we should ourselves be the assailants. 

Thus all the last summer was passed in negotiations, 
which terminated in an agreement that both parties should 
meet at Catarocouy, to take measures for the conclusion 



near the present city of Kingston, in Canada West, In 1678, it was 
rebuilt by La Salle, with stone, in the form of a square, flanked by 
four bastions. It was about three-fourths of a mile in circumfei-ence. 



AGAINST THE SENEGAS. 147 

of a general peace. But the pride of that nation, accus- 
tomed to see others yield to its tyranny, and the insult 
which they have continued to heap both upon the French 
and on our savage allies, have induced us to believe there 
is no use in negotiating with them but with arms in our 
hands, and we have all winter been preparing to pay them 
a visit. 

After the ice thawed in the spring, we determined to 
send flour to Catarocouy, with the bark canoes we were 
able to collect, and urged the hahitans to hasten the sowing 
of their seed, that they might be ready to march with the 
eight hundred troops which have been in the country for 
two years. 

The levies upon our hahitans amounted to eight hundred 
men, besides more than a hundred of the most skillful, 
destined for an escort. 

The first mustering of the hahitans from the environs of / ^'^'^ 

Quebec, took place on the 24th day of May, but being de- 
layed for eight days by a furious north-east wind, we could 
not muster the eight hundred soldiers and the eight hundred 
hahitans at Montreal, until the 10th of June, and we then 
distributed among them the batteaux, designed to carry 
eight men in each, with their provisions for two months. 

Our troops were arranged for the march as follows : — 
Eight platoons of two hundred men each, were under the 
command of eight of the best officers, as well of the troops 
as of the hahitans. Six batteaux formed a company, each 
batteau carrying eight men. Each commandant of two 
hundred men, had charge of twenty-four batteaux, which 



148 I>E NOJSrVILLE'8 EXPEDITION 

were arranged and numbered up to twenty four and carried 
in the first the flag by which the twenty-four batteaux 
were distinguished. 

The names of the four commandants of the troops, were 
D'Orvilliers, St. Cirq, De Troyes and Vallerennes, veteran 
captains of infantry, and good officers. The four captains 
of the hahitans were Berthier, La Valterge, Granville, and 
Longueil Le Moyne, all four very competent for the com- 
mand. 

The four commandants of the troops had with them M. 
Le Chevalier de Vaudreuil, recently arrived from France 
to take command of the King's forces in this country. The 
four commandants of the militia had for their commandant 
General the Sieur Duguay, a veteran officer of the Carig- 
nan,^ a long time established in this country. 

M. De Callieres was commander-in-chief of both divi- 
sions under my orders. The order of march throughout 
the entire voyage, was a battalion of troops, succeeded by 
one of militia, alternately, that they might be in readiness 
to afford each other assistance, our hahitans being the most 
experienced in this mode of traveling. 

In respect to our savage allies who live in the Colony, 
and who followed us to the number of about four hundred, 



^ The name of this officer is spelled " Du Gue," by Charlevoix. 
He is probably the person of that name who accompanied Father 
Hennepin, in his early exploration of the Mississippi, seven years 
previous. There was a regiment in the French service called the 
regiment of " Carignan Salieres" which is probably the one referred 
to in the text. 



A GAINST THE SENEGAS. 149 

their order of march was not prescribed, that they might 
serve as scouts, or in the detachments we should send out, 
or in facilitating the march, according to the necessity of 
the case, reserving them for such use as is made of dragoons 
in France. 

On assembling our troops at Montreal, we received news 
of the arrival at Quebec, of M. D'Omblement,^ with a King's 
ship called the Arc-en-ciel, which arrived from France in 
thirty-three days, a thing unprecedented since the settle- 
ment of Canada. He brought us news of the reinforce- 
ment of eight hundred men, which was sent by the King, 
and remained in place of the habitans, whom we had drawn 
from their homes. 

Notwithstanding the haste we made, our little army did 
not set out from Yille-Marie^ in the island of Montreal, 
until the 13th day of June. 

On the 14th, in the morning, we passed the rapids and 
the Saut St. Louis, and all the troops encamped, a part in 
the isle of Perrot, and a part at GhdtauguS, where our 
christian savages awaited us. 

The latter sung and danced the war dance all night, at 
a feast which was made for them by means of two lean 



^ La Hontan writes this name " D'Amblemont," and says the 
passage was made from Rochelle in twenty-eight days, 

^ Yille-Marie is the ancient name bestowed upon Montreal by its 
founders. Charlevoix says it was used in his time in public acts, 
and that the Lords-proprietaries were exceedingly jealous of its 
retention. 



150 J>E NONVILLE'S EXPEDITION 

cows, and some dozen dogs, roasted in their skins — which 
are the true enrolments for a vigorous prosecution of the 
war. We were obliged to rest on the fifteenth, by reason 
of very bad weather, storms and contrary winds, which 
prevailed all day, and prevented our passing in Lake, 
which is very dangerous. 

We feared any increase of wind, on account of the two 
currents of two large rivers which meet there, and the ex- 
istence of a great number of rocks and shoals. 

On the morning of the 16th, our little fleet, composed of 
three hundred and fifty sail, appeared in a body upon the 
Lake, and favored by a fair wind and fine weather, reached 
the foot of the cascades,^ where a portage of all luggage, 
munitions of war, and provisions became necessary. 

It was there that our soldiers and Canadians, stripped 
to their shirts in the water, as deep in many places as 
their arm pits, worked like water dogs, drawing with cords 
or pushing with their shoulders, the batteaux and canoes, 
to overcome the rapidity of the stream. We found our 
Indians of great service on this occasion. 

This day's work was severe on account of three difficult 
passages. The great vigor of our men surmounted all the 
impediments, the least of which would have appalled the 
stoutest heart in Europe ; showing what man can accom- 
plish when he undertakes an object. 



^ These rapids or falls are situated at the upper end of the island 
of Perrot which lies opposite the mouth of the Utawas river. 



A GAINST THE SENEGAS. 151 

This same day we passed the Cascades, Le Trou, and 
Le Buisson} We encamped at evening in three different 
divisions, separate from each other. The first two battal- 
ions were at the foot of the rapids, called Goteau des Ge- 
dres^ the next two a little below, and the other four a 
little lower still. 

On the 17th, our troops began their march at day-break, 
and the most we could accomplish was to pass the rapids 
of the Goteau des Gedres and those of the Gedres. Nearly 
all unloaded their boats at the former, but the remainder, 
more courageous, passed them very safely, without that 
trouble. We encamped half a league above the latter» 
This day's advance was only about two leagues, by reason of 
the length of the last rapid, which is nearly three-quarters 
of a league, and where it was necessary to pass all the boats 
and canoes in single order. We lost two batteaux in this 
difficult passage, which were swung around by the current 
and swamped, also two sacks of biscuit which got wet. 

On the 18th we encamped a good quarter of a league 
from Lake St. Francis, after passing the Goteau du Lac, 
which is the most difficult rapid to surmount. We were 
obliged to make a portage of all the loading, and even of 
the greater part of the batteaux, aided by our good friends, 
the savages. We advanced three leagues this day. 

On the 19th, we were able to proceed only three leagues, 
on account of a heavy rain and storm, which obliged us to 

^ Le Buisson, or '' the fall of the thicket.'''' 

^ Goteau des Gedres. These form the third rapid in ascending the 
river from Montreal^ and are about nine miles above Le Buisson. 



152 DB NONVILLE'S EXPEDITION 

encamp on the borders of the above named Lake, at a place 
called Pointe cb Baudet. The Sieur Perr^ arrived in the 
evening with four Iroquois, their women and two children, 
whom he had captured fifteen leagues below, at a place 
where I had sent him for that purpose. 

Two of these Iroquois are the most influential of the 
nation of Goyogouens,^ open enemies of the colony, and 
strongly attached to the Sonnontouans. One of them 
named OreouatS, cruelly maltreated and persecuted the 
Reverend Father De Careilt, when he was a missionary in 
their village, besides committing many robberies on him, 
and on many of our French and savage allies. They also 
charge upon him the expedition of the last year against 
the Hurons. 

On the 20th, all the captives were sent to the prisons of 
Montreal, to join four other Iroquois who had been sur- 
prised in that neighborhood, whither they had gone as 
spies. In the mean time we set out from our camp, after 
a heavy rain, and accomplished the remaining traverse of 
the Lake, amounting to five leagues. The bad weather 
detained us the remainder of the day, and compelled us to 
encamp among the islands at the end of the Lake. 

On the 21st, we encamped at the foot of the Petits Ghes- 
neaux, a little below Pointe Maligne, and advanced only 
three leagues, being delayed by the severe storms which 
prevailed. 

^ Cayugas. 



A GAINST THE SENEGAS. 153 

On the 22d, we passed the rapids of Petits Ghesneaux 
and of the Long Saut, except two battalions which were 
obliged to encamp at the foot of the latter. We were com- 
pelled to tow the batteaux for more than two leagues, and 
did not advance more than two leagues and a half. 

I will say nothing of the difficulties we had to surmount 
in passing these rapids. They must be seen and passed 
in order to conceive their force. Many of our men were 
crippled there in their feet and legs. We had but three 
batteaux carried down by the current, which were safely 
brought to land, having escaped with only a few pails of 
water in them, some biscuit wet and guns lost. It cost 
the life of a poor soldier, who, being less expert than the 
rest, was drowned after surmounting all these rapids. 

We were obliged on the 23d to remain in the same 
place, waiting for the two battalions which were unable 
to pass the Long Saut on the 22d. The day was employed 
in caulking the broken batteaux. We were unable to 
finish them by reason of the heavy and incessant rain, and 
of the great number which were injured. On this same 
day, two canoes, sent out to reconnoitre, brought an Iro- 
quois savage, of some note among the Goiogouens, together 
with three women a,nd two children. The man had been 
sent to watch our movements, and he informed us that 
OreouatiS, of whom we have already spoken, had descended 
to Montreal, with the intention of discovering what was 
passing among us, and of carrying off some French prison- 
ers on his return. We found among his booty some cords 

20 



164 I>E NONVILLE'S, EXPEDITION 

with which they are accustomed to bind their prisoners 
and which they do not carry, except on warlike excur- 
sions. 

On the 24th, M. L'Intendant sent a canoe, to advise us 
that many Iroquois savages were fishing at the isle of Oto- 
niato^ and also on the main land, south of, and opposite 
said island. 

At twelve leagues below Catarocouy, I sent a detach- 
ment of a hundred savages, commanded by the Sieur de 
Ste Helene Le Moyne, to capture the said Iroquois. The 
heavy rain of the preceding day, not having permitted us 
to mend the leaky batteaux, we were unable to set out 
from our camp until noon. We were still obliged to leave 
behind us a part of our hahitans, who were more accus- 
tomed to the navigation, to join us the next day under 
the command of M. de Callieres. We advanced this day 
only three leagues. 

On the 25th we set out from the camp and passed the 
Rapide Plat, a little above which we encamped, having 
accomplished but three leagues and a half. These rapids 
occasioned the loss of a soldier who was drowned. In the 
evening we had news from Catarocouy, by a canoe sent by 
M. L'Intendant, that he had seized all the savages, to pre- 
vent them from carrying news of our march to the enemy, 
and that he had engaged the savages which were at Oto- 
niata, to meet him at Catarocouy, where they would also 



. ^ This island is about a mile and a half long, and 15 or 16 miles 
above La Gallette, and is now called " Tomhata^ 



AGAINST THE SENEGAS. 155 

be seized. This same day, ten Algonquin savages, on 
hearing of our march, came to join us, being from the 
region of Temiscamiiis, towards the north, and told us that 
others would come with the same design. M. De Callieres 
could not join us this day, but arrived within half a league. 

On the 26th we passed the rapids Des Galots, which are 
the last, and thenceforth we entered a more gentle current. 
After this, our navigation was much easier, because the 
soldiers were relieved from getting into the water, and we 
advanced by the aid of our oars and sails alone. We en- 
camped a good league and a half above Des Oalots, and 
gained this day four leagues.^ 

On the 27th, a severe and contrary wind from the south- 
east obliged us to remain, and we passed the day in relet- 
ting those batteaux which were found out of order. M. 
L'Intendant arrived at our camp, from Catarocouy, on his 
return, to give the necessary orders for the regulation of 
the colony. He informed us of the manner in which they 
had arrested all the Iroquois savages in the environs of the 
Fort, to the number of 120, thirty of whem were men, the 
rest being women and children. In the evening of the 
same day, to retrieve lost time, the wind being calm, we 
proceeded all night, and encamped eight leagues from 
where the rain commenced. 

The 28th passed amid severe storms and continued rain 
during the whole day, which obliged us to remain. 



^ This encampment was at or near the place subsequently called 
Jjtt Galette, and which was recommended by Charlevoix as a far 
preferable site for a fort than Catarocouy. 



156 DE NONVILLE'S EXPEDIIION 

We set out on the 29th, early in the morning, with fine 
weather, and advanced nearly nine leagues. On reaching 
our camp, we had the pleasure of witnessing the arrival of 
the Reverend Father Lamberville, of the company of 
Jesus, missionary to the Onnontagues-^ whom I had sent 
for information, under pretence of bringing the most in- 
fluential of the Iroquois to negotiate a settlement of our 
differences. On the last day of June, we arrived within 
half a league of Catarocouy, and I proceeded there the 
same day, to arrange every thing, and procure what pro- 
visions we should need until the end of August. 

On arriving at the Fort, I thought proper to send to the 
village of the Onnontagues, the son and brother of a savage 
named Eotrehouate, one of the most distinguished and in- 
fluential in the said village, from whom we had derived 
great assistance in checking the incursions which the Son- 
nontouans, and other Iroquois had made the year past, 
under the instigation of Colonel Dongan, Governor of New 
York. Father Lamberville used the influence of the above- 
named person, as well as that of his other friends, to coun- 
teract the ill designs of the said colonel. 

The first day of July all our troops arrived at Cataro- 
couy, where they occupied themselves in unloading what- 
ever they had in the batteaux for the Fort, or for fitting 
out the three barks, one of which had already gone to 
carry provisions and ammunition to the Sieurs De La 
Durantaye and Du Lhu.^ The two latter have had orders 

* Onondagas. 

^ Charlevoix spells this name " Du Luth." 



A GAINS T THE SENECA S. 1 5 7 

for a year past to repair here on the last of June, with all 
the French they could collect, who were in the forests on 
leave, for the beaver trade, and those of our savage allies, 
enemies of the Iroquois, whom they could induce to join 
them. The remainder of the day was passed in examin- 
ing and replacing the provisions which had been damaged 
by the rain and other accidents incident to navigation, 
which we were unable to finish that day. 

Being advised by the Sieur Perr^, who had been sent in 
a party with some savages, that he had not force enough 
to seize and carry ofi all the Iroquois savages of Ganneious,^ 
I sent thither a detachment of forty Canadians, in bark 
canoes, under the command of Captain Repentigny and 
Lieutenant Portneuf to hasten that expedition, with orders 
to return the next day, although Ganneious is ten leagues 
distant from Catarocouy, because I wished to set out on the 
third, On this same day, the Sieur De La Foret arrived at 
Catarocouy. He is a resident of Fort St. Louis, among the 
Illinois, where the Sieur de Tonty is in command. He in- 
formed me that he had come from Niagara by the way of 
the northern shore of Lake Ontario, although it is more 
than eighty leagues by that route. He brought me letters 
from the Sieur de Tonty, and from Messieurs De La Du- 
rantaye and Du Lhu, who had arrived at Niagara on the 
27th of June, with about 180 of the most active men of 
the colony, and about 400 savages, and were waiting im- 
patiently for news from me by the bark which I had prom- 

' An Iroquois village on the north side of Lake Ontario, 8 or 10 
leagues west of Catarocouy. 



158 DE NONVILLE' 8 EXPEDITION 

ised to send them, loaded with provisions and ammunition. 
This bark had left Catarocouy on Friday, the 26th of 
June, and favored by the north-east wind, should have 
arrived at Niagara on the 2d day of July. 

The Sieur De La Foret informed me that the Sieur De 
La Durantaye had seized thirty English who, escorted by 
some Iroquois, were on their way to trade at Missilima- 
quinak, as they did the past year, under the pretence that 
that post belonged to them ; although we have held it for 
more than twenty-five years as the entrepot of all our com- 
merce. Those thirty Englishmen were taken in Lake 
Huron, twenty leagues from Missilimaquinak, where they 
were deprived of their effects and made prisoners without 
any other injury, although it would have been lawful to 
have treated them more severely, as they were taken in 
arms with our enemies.^ He further informed me, that 
the corps which were at Niagara, had met another party 
of thirty English, also escorted by savages hostile to us, 
who were likewise going to Missilimaquinak under the 
guidance of some French deserters. They were met by 
our people at the Strait of Lake Erie, near the Fort,^ which 
we occupy there, and were treated like the others. 

I directed the Sieur De La Foret to return immediately, 
having charged him with the necessary orders for the junc- 
tion of the said corps of French and Savages from Niagara, 
with ours at the rendezvous which I appointed near the 



^ This party of Englishmen was commanded by Major Gregory. 
^ Fort Pontohartrain, on Detroit river, now the site of Detroit. 



A GAIN'S T THE SENEGAL. 159 

mouth of the river of the Sonnontouans/ but the wind 
beiug too violent, he could not set out until the evening of 
the next day, so that he went only two or three leagues. 

The 2d day of July passed in distributing the provisions, 
and in repairing all the leaky batteaux, it being our inten- 
tion to leave the next day. We arranged the two large 
batteaux for carrying in each a small cannon, some long 
guns. Arquebuses a croc^ and twenty men, with which to 
cover our landing when we should arrive in the enemy's 
country. We waited on the 3d for Perr6, who, by reason 
of contrary and severe winds, had not been able to arrive 
on the 2d, as he had been directed. He arrived about 10 
o'clock in the morning, with eighteen savage warriors and 
a multitude of women and children, making in all about 
eighty persons. The men were all confined in the Fort. 
The whole party numbered fifty-one able bodied men, and 
a hundred and fifty women and children.^ Orders were 



^ Irondequoit Bay. 

* An arquebuse is an ancient fire arm, the barrel of which is very 
large and heavy. 

^ Some of the Iroquois who were thus treacherously seized by the 
French, were subsequently sent to France and confined in the galleys. 
This perfidious conduct on the part of the French towards those 
who had taken no part in the hostilities against them, contributed 
in no small degree to exasperate the Iroquois, and provoked the 
horrid cruelties they subsequently inflicted on the French, for 
nothing could be more degrading in their estimation, than to make 
them galley-slaves. Count Frontenac brought back the captives 
from France at the request of De Nonville, and endeavored to use 
their influence in establishing a peace with their nation, but without 
success. 



160 ^^ NONVILLE'S EXPEDITION 

given to embark in the afternoon of the same day, but the 
wind did not permit, so the remainder of the day was em - 
ployed in loading the provisions, ammunition and imple- 
ments into the two remaining barks, to send them to the 
general rendezvous near the Sonnontouans. 

We embarked early in the morning of the 4 th day of 
July, and took the route by the way of La Famine,^ coast- 
ing along the south side of Lake Ontario. We made many 
traverses, favored by a calm which continued all day, and 
by which we happily profited. We advanced this day 
more than ten leagues, and encamped on an island named 
De8 Galots, which we reached very opportunely, for hardly 
had our batteaux arrived, when a wind from the south-east 
arose with such violence, that we would have been obUged 
to land on the nearest shore, had it commenced sooner. 
It continued all night with such violence, that the waves 
compelled us to draw our batteaux upon land. 

On the 5th the same wind continued all day, and con- 
strained us to remain on said island. The next day, July 
6th, the wind abated a little in the morning, but we could 
not undertake the traverse until one o'clock, at which time 
the wind suddenly ceased. We encamped a league from 
thence at a river named Gataragarenre? While on our 
way our savages discovered the footprints of some fugitive 



^ La Famine or Hungry Bay. So called from the scarcity of food 
which the French army experienced there in 1684, in the expedition 
under La Barre. 

^ Probably Sandy Creek, in Jefferson county. 



AGAINST THE &ENECAS. 161 

Iroquois, whom they pursued without success. They left 
behind them some sacks of provisions, and their canoes. 

We resumed our march on the morning of the 7th, and 
encamped a league and a half from the river Onnontagu6s.^ 
The distance was ten leagues. We also perceived this day 
some men who were stationed to watch our march, but 
who escaped in the woods by the path which leads over 
land to Onnontagu6 lake. 

On the 8th we advanced only five leagues, by reason of 
storms and severe winds. We encamped two leagues from 
Chroutons.^ 

On the 9th, we advanced only four leagues on account 
of the incessant rain and the difficulty of approaching the 
land. We encamped two leagues above Chroutons. 

On arriving there we perceived at a distance the bark, 
which, after having landed provisions at Niagara, had 
come to advise us that the detachment of savage allies 
would leave Niagara on the 6th, with all the French, to 
reach the river of the Sonnontouans on the 10th, pursuant 
to the orders I had given. This same evening a savage of 
our company having wandered a little distance into the 
woods, was captured by three Iroquois scouts, who, having 
tied him, kept him prisoner a day and a night, without 
perceiving that he had a knife suspended from his neck, 
which by chance remained concealed on his back under 



,^ Oswego river. 

"^ Chroutons. It is diflScult to identify this place ; probably little 
Sodus bay. 



21 



162 I>E NONYILLE'8 EXPEDITION 

his dress. The second night the prisoner did not fail to 
use the knife in cutting his bonds while his guards were 
fast asleep. He returned to our camp without any other 
injury than the blow of a tomahawk which they had struck 
very lightly on one of his shoulders. 

On the 10th, we set out at daylight, in order to reach 
the rendezvous at GanniagataroidagouaV- the same day, al- 
though the wind was rather strong, the waves high, and 
the Lake rough. We made such fortunate progress, that 
just as we arrived at the above-named Marais, having first 
examined it, in expectation of finding the enemy there, we 
perceived at a distance our French and savage allies who 
were coming under sail from Niagara. They arrived at 



^ This is now called Irondequoit bay, and is situated about four miles 
east of Genesee river. It is about five miles long and one mile wide. 
Various names have been applied to it by English writers, such as 
" Trondequat," " Rundegnt," and " Gerundeg-ut." Spaflford in his 
Gazetteer says, the Iroquois name is Teoronto ; pronounced " Tche- 
orontok," signifying the place where the waves breathe and die, 
or gasp and expire. This meaning is highly poetical, and were not 
truth of more importance, it would perhaps be ungracious to correct 
it. The true signification of the word is said to be a place where 
there is a, jam of floodwood ! The name is not Seneca but Mohawk. 
The Seneca name is " O-nyiii-da-on-da-gwat," and means a bay or 
cove; literally a turning out or going aside of the lake; compounded 
of Ga-nyiu-daeh, lake, and 0-dd-gwah, it turns out or goes aside. 
The name given by De Nonville is the same word in the Mohawk 
dialect. Gerundegut, or Irondequoit, is undoubtedly a corruption of 
the Seneca name above given by De Nonville. It is spelled " An- 
diataroataount," on the Jesuits' map, published in 1664, and " Gani- 
entaraguat," on Vaugondy's map, published in Paris, A. D. 11 bZ. 



A GAIN'S T THE SENEGA S. 163 

the same time with ourselves^ at the embankment of said 
Lake, where we spent the rest of the day in seeking a 
position suitable for intrenchments, and capable of afford- 
ing protection while we were gone over land in search of 
the enemy in their villages, the largest of which is distant 
only nine or ten leagues. 

We passed the 11th in constructing palisades, fascines 
and pickets, for intrenching the dike which separates the 
Lake from the Marais in which we had placed our boats. 

On the 12th at 3 o'clock, after having detached four 
hundred men^ to garrison the redoubt, which we had al- 
ready put in condition of defence for the protection of our 
provisions, batteaux and canoes, we set out with all our 
savage allies, who were loaded like ourselves with thirteen 
day's provisions, and took the path which leads by land 
through the woods to Gannagaro.^ We advanced only 



^ Golden and Smith erroneously state that the expedition of De 
Nonville left Catarocouy in two divisions, one by the north side of 
Lake Ontario, and the other by the south side, both of which met at 
Irondequoit Bay. It clearly appears from De Nonville's narrative, 
that the pai'ty which he met at the mouth of the bay, was composed 
of French and Indians from the far west, who had sailed from their 
rendezvous at Niagara, to join the expedition pursuant to his orders. 

^ These men were left under the command of tlie Sieur D'Orvilliers_ 
La Hontan's travels. Vol. I., p. 96. See appendix, ISTo. 11. 

^ When the Genesee country was first surveyed, in 1789, there was 
an old Indian trail or path leading from the outlet of Irondequoit 
Bay along its eastern side into the interior of the country. This is 
undoubtedly the path which the expedition pursued. 



164 I>E NONYILLE'S EXPEDITION 

three leagues this day, among tall woods, sufficiently open^ 
to allow us to march in three columns. 

The next day, being the 13th, we left in the morning, 
with the design of approaching the village as near as we 
could, to deprive the enemy of the opportunity of rallying 
and seizing upon two difficult defiles upon two rivers, which 
it was necessary for us to pass, and where we should un- 
doubtedly meet them. In the mean time we passed those 
two defiles unmolested, no one appearing but some scouts. 
There still remained a third defile, at the entrance to said 
village, at which it was our intention to halt, for the pur- 
pose of passing the night, and of resting our troops, who 
were much fatigued through the extraordinary and sultry 
heat of the weather, but our scouts having seen the trail 
of a considerable party which had been in the neighbor- 
hood of this defile, warned us to keep our troops together. 

About three o'clock in the afternoon, a short time after 
we had resumed our march, M. de Callieres, who was at 
the head of the three companies commanded by Tonty, De 
La Durantaye and Du Lhu, and of all our savages, fell into 
an ambuscade of Sonnontouans, posted in the vicinity of 
the defile. 

They were better received than they anticipated, and 
were thrown into such consternation, that the most of them 
threw away their guns and clothing, to escape under favor 
of the woods. The action was not long, but there was 
heavy firing on both sides. 

^ Their route lay through oak openings which abounded in that 
part of the Genesee country. 



AGAINST THE SENEGAS. 165 

The three companies of Outaouaies/ who were stationed 
on the right, distinguished themselves, and all our Christian 
savages farther in the rear, performed their duty ad- 
mirably, and firmly maintained the position which had 
been assigned to them on the left. 

As we had in our front a dense wood, and a brook bor- 
dered with thickets, and had made no prisoners who could 
tell us positively the number of the enemy who attacked 
us ; the severe fatigue of the march which our troops, as 
well the French as the savages, had undergone, left us in 
no condition to pursue the enemy. They had fled beyond 
where we had sufficient knowledge of the paths, to be cer- 
tain which we should take, to lead us from the woods into 
the plain. 

The enemy left twenty-seven dead on the field to our 
knowledge, who had been killed on the spot, besides a 
much larger number of wounded, judging from the traces 
of blood which we saw. We learned from one of the dymg^ 
that they had more than eight hundred men under arms, 
either in the action or in the village, and were daily ex- 
pecting assistance from the neighboring Iroquois. 

Our troops being very much fatigued, we rested the re- 
mainder of the day at the same place, where we found 
sufficient water for the night. We maintained a strict 
watch, waiting for day, in order to enter the plain, which 
is about a league in extent, before proceeding to the village. 



Ottawas. 



166 DE NONVILLE'S EXPEDIIION 

The Reverend Father Emabran/ missionary among the 
Outaouas savages whom he had brought to us, was wounded 
in the action. It cost us also the death of five habitans, a 
soldier, and five savage allies, besides six habitans and five 
soldiers wounded. 

The next day, which was the 14th, a heavy rain that 
lasted until noon, compelled us to remain until that time 
at the place where the action occurred. "We set out in 
battle array, thinking to find the enemy entrenched in the 
new village, which is above the old. 

In the meantime we entered the plain, without seeing 
any thing but the relics of the fugitives. We found the 
old village burnt by the enemy, and the entrenchments of 
the new deserted, which were distant from the old about 
three-quarters of a league. We encamped on the height 
of the plain, and did nothing this day but protect our- 
selves from the severe rain, which continued until night. 

On the 15th, the savages brought us two old men, whom 
the enemy had left in the woods in their retreat. Two 
or three women came to surrender themselves, and in- 
formed us that for the space of four days, all the old men, 
women and children had been fleeing in great haste, being 
able to carry with them only the best of their eflects. 
Their flight was towards Goiogouen,^ behind the Lakes. 

' Both La Hontan and Charlevoix give the name of this Jesuit as 
" Atigelram,'''' which is undoubtedly correct, as the name is indis- 
tinctly written in the " Paris Document.^'' 

^ The Canton of the Cayugas, which was situated in the vicinity 
of Cayuga Lake, about twenty-five miles from where the battle was 
fought. 



A QAINBT THE 8ENECAB. 167 

They were sorely troubled for the means of subsistence, 
and one woman informed us they were obliged to kill the 
Oumiamis prisoners, which was the reason of her escape. 

One of the old men who had been of note in the village, 
and was father or uncle of the chief, told us the ambuscade 
consisted of two hundred and twenty men, stationed on 
the hill side, to attack us in the rear, and five hundred 
and thirty in front. The two hundred and twenty men di- 
rected a part of their efforts against our rear battalions, 
where they did not expect such strong resistance, as those 
battalions drove them back more rapidly than they came. 

In addition to the above, there were also three hundred 
men in their fort, situated on a very advantageous height, 
into which they all pretended to withdraw, having carried 
there a quantity of Indian corn. This same old man told 
us he had seen the enemy retire in great disorder and con- 
sternation. He informed us there were none but Sonnon- 
touans ; that two hundred Goiougouens were about to join 
them, and that they had sent to the Onnontagues, and 
other nations, to invite them to unite against us. 

After we had obtained from this good man all the in- 
formation he could impart, he was placed in the hands 
of the Keverend Father Bruyas,^ who, finding he had 



^ Although the Senecas were visited by the Jesuits as early as 1657, 
no permanent mission was established among them until ] 668, in 
which year Father Jacques Fremin, Superior of the Iroquois mission, 
arrived there on the first day of November. The chiefs received 
him with distinguished honors, and built a chapel for his use. He 
found them all disposed to receive his instruction, particularly some 



168 I>E JSrONVILLE'S EXPEDITION 

some knowledge of the Christian religion, through the 
instrumentality of the Reverend Jesuit Fathers, mission- 
aries for twenty years in this village, he set about pre- 
paring him for baptism before returning him to the savages 
who had taken him prisoner. He was baptized, and a 
little while after, at our solicitation, they contented them- 
selves with knocking him on the head with a tomahawk, 
instead of burning him according to their custom. 

Our jfirst achievement this day, was to burn the fort of 
which we have spoken. It was eight hundred paces in 
circumference, well enough flanked, for savages, by an in- 
trenchment advanced for the purpose of communication 
with a spring on the declivity of a hill, it being the only 
one where they could obtain water. 

The remainder of the day was employed in destroying 
Indian corn, beans and other produce. 

On the 16th we continued the devastation. Our runners 
brought us from time to time, the spoils of the fugitives, 
found scattered in the woods. 

In the afternoon of the same day, we moved our camp 
to approach those places where there was corn to destroy. 
A party of our savages, about whom we had been anxious, 
arrived in the evening with considerable booty, which they 



aged Hurons whom they held iu captivity. Father Bruyas, the 
Jesuit mentioned in the text, was long a missionary among the 
Iroquois. We read of him among the Oneidas, in 1668, and find 
him subsequently engaged in important negotiations with the 
Onondagas. Relation^ 1667-8, p. 83. 



A GAIN'ST THE SJENUGA8. 169 

had captured in the great village of Totiakton, four leagues 
distant. They found that village also abandoned by the 
enemy, who, in retreating, had set it on fire, but there 
were only three or four cabins consumed. 

On the 17th, we were also occupied in destroying the 
grain of the small village of Saint Michael, or Qannogarae^ 
distant a short league from the large village, and continued 
it on the 18th, after having moved our camp in order to 
approach those fields which were concealed and scattered 
in the recesses of the forest. 

On the night of the 19th, we had a slight alarm from a 
shot fired by a sentinel at an Illinois woman, a captive for 
nine years among the Sonnontouans,^ and who had fled 
from the hands of the enemy. She escaped with only a 
wound in her thigh. She confirmed the report that the 
Soiinontouans, being much frightened, had fled to the 
Onnontagu^s and to the English. 

She informed us there were forty men killed in their 
attack upon us, and fifty or more severely wounded. She 
added that all the old men, women and children, were dis- 
persed in the woods on their way to the Goyogouens, but 
severely straightened for want of food, which they were 
unable to carry with them by reason of their sudden flight. 

On the morning of the 19th, we moved our camp from 
near the village of St. James or Oannagaro, after having 
destroyed a great quantity of fine large corn, beans and 



' A sanguinary war was waged for a long time between these 
widely separated nations. La Salle witnessed a battle between them 
near the Illinois river in 1679, in which the Iroquois were victorious. 
22 



170 DE NONYILLE'S EXPEBITION 

other vegetables, of which there remained not a single field, 
and after having burned so large a quantity of old corn 
that I dare not tell the amount, and encamped before 
Totiakto, called the great village, or village of conception, 
distant four leagues from the former. We found there a 
still greater number of cultivated fields, with which to 
occupy ourselves for many days. 

Three captives arrived this day, a young girl and two 
women of the Illinois nation. They told us that many 
prisoners of their nation had profited by the defeat of the 
Sonnontouans, to escape from their hands. They also con- 
firmed what had already been told us, that the Sonnon- 
touans had broken the heads of the most of their prisoners, 
and had passed beyond Goyogouen and taken refuge among 
the English. 

On the 20th we occupied ourselves in cutting down aud 
destroying the new corn, and in burning the old. 

We went, on the 21st, to the small village of Qannou- 
nata, distant two leagues from the larger, where we caused 
the destruction the same day, of all the old and new corn, 
although the quantity was no less than in the other vil- 
lages. It was at the entrance to this village, that we found 
the arms of England, which the Sieur Dongan, Governor 
of New York, had placed there contrary to all right and 
reason, in the year 1684, having ante-dated the arms as of 
the year 1683, although it is beyond question that we first 
discovered and took possession of that country, and for 
twenty consecutive years have had Fathers Fremin, Gar- 
nier, &c., as stationary missionaries in all their villages. 



AGAINST THE SENEGAS. 171 

One would hardly credit the quantity of grain which we 
found in store in this place, and destroyed by fire. 

This same day, a Huron of the Mission of St. Lorette, 
arrived alone with two scalps of a man and woman whom 
he had knocked on the head, having found them near the 
Goyogouens, where he had gone alone for that purpose. 
He told us he had noticed a multitude of paths by which 
the enemy had fled. 

We left the above-named village on the 22d, to return to 
Totiakfo, to continue there the devastation we had com- 
menced. Notwithstanding the bad weather and incessant 
rain, we continued all day to make diligent preparation for 
our departure, which was the more urgent as the sickness 
increased among the soldiers, habitans and savages,^ and 
our food and fresh provisions diminished rapidly. Besides 
which the impatience of the savages to return, with a great 
number of sick and wounded, gave us no hope of retaining 
them against their will, some having already left the pre- 
ceding day without permission. 

It was on this same day that four Iroquois of Montreal, 
stimulated by the example of the Huron of Lorette, who 
had brought away the two scalps, left without our knowl- 
edge to go in a party towards Goyoguen. 

On the 23d, we sent a large detachment of almost all 
the army, under the command of M. de Callieres and of 



^ Charlevoix states that this sickness was in part occasioned by the 
groat number of hogs which were Icilled by the French army. 



172 I>E NON VILLE'S EXPEDITION 

M. de Le Chevalier de Taudreuil, to complete the destruc- 
tion of all the corn still standing in the distant woods. 

About seven o'clock in the morning, seven Illinois, 
coming alone from their country to war against the Iro- 
quois, arrived at the camp, stark naked, with bow in hand, 
at which those whom the Sieur de Tonty had brought to 
us were much rejoiced. 

About noon of the same day, we finished destroying the 
Indian corn. We had the curiosity to estimate the whole 
quantity, green as well as ripe, which we have destroyed 
in the four villages of the Sonnontouans, and we found that 
it would amount to 350,000 minots^ of green, and 50,000 
minots of old corn, by which we can estimate the multi- 
tude of people in these four villages,^ and the suffering 
they will experience from the devastation. 

Having nothing further to accomplish in this country, 
and seeing no enemy, we left our camp in the afternoon of 
the same day, to rejoin our batteaux. We only advanced 
two leagues. On our way a Huron surprised a Sonnon- 
iouan, who appeared to be watching our march. He was 
killed on the spot, because he refused to follow us. I would 
have preferred to have had him brought along alive, in 
order to obtain from him some news of the enemy. 



* A minot is a French measure of three bushels, making the total 
amount of corn destroyed by the expedition, 1.200,000 bushels. 

* In 1677, ten years prior to De Nonville's expedition, the Senecas 
lived in four towns, containing 324 houses. — Wentworth Green- 
halp^s Journal. 



A GAINST IHE SENEGAS. 173 

We reached our batteaux on the 24th, after traveling 
six leagues. We rested there the next day, in order to 
make arrangements for leaving on the 26th, after we should 
have destroyed the redoubt we had built. 

We despatched on the 25th, the bark for Catarocouy, 
which we had found with the other two at Oanniataronta- 
gouat, to advise M. L'Intendant of the result of our Expe- 
dition, and by the same mode I sent back those of our 
camp who were suffering the most with sickness. 

On the 26th we set out for Niagara, resolved to garrison 
that post as a protection for all our savage allies, and thus 
afford them the means of continuing, in small detachments, 
the war against the enemy, whom they have not been able 
to harass, being too distant from them and having no place 
of refuge. 

Although it was only thirty leagues from Ganniataronta- 
guat to Niagara, we were unable to accomplish the distance 
in less than four days and a half, by reason of contrary 
winds, that is to say, we arrived there on the morning of 
the 30th. We immediately set about choosing a place, 
and collecting stakes for the construction of the Fort which 
I had resolved to build at the extremity of a tongue of 
land, between the river Niagara and Lake Ontario, on the 
Iroquois side.^ 

^ De Nonville's journal removes the doubt which has been enter- 
tained as to the location of this fortress, some having supposed it to 
have been first built at Lewiston. Bancroft's U. S., vol. Ill, p. 342. 
It occupied the site of the present fort on the angle formed by the 
junction of the Niagara with Lake Ontario. For the derivation of 
the word Niagara, see appendix No. III. 



174 I>E NONYILLE'8 EXPEDITION 

On the 31st of July and first of August, we continued 
this work, which was the more difficult, from there being 
no wood on the place suitable for making palisades, and 
from its being necessary to draw them up the height. We 
performed this labor so diligently, that the Fort was in a 
state of defence on the last mentioned day. We learned 
on this same day from a Chaouanon^ deserter from the 
Sonnontouans, who was himself in the battle of the 13th 
July, that there were eight hundred Sonnontouans in am- 
buscade, of which six hundred were stationed at the rivulet 
we were obliged to pass, and who fired upon us, and two 
hundred were in a bottom for the purpose of attacking us 
in the rear. He assured us they had twenty killed on the 
spot by our fire, whom they buried,^ in addition to the 
twenty-five which fell into our hands, and more than sixty 
mortally wounded. They considered this check so de- 
cisive, that we saw no more of them. 

The 2d day of August, the militia having performed 
their allotted task, and the Fort being in a condition of 
defence in case of assault, they set out at noon, in order to 
reach the end of the lake on their return to their own 
country. On the morning of the third, being the next 
day, I embarked for the purpose of joining the militia, 
leaving the regular troops under the direction of M. de 
Vaudreuil, to finish what was the most essential, and to 
render the Fort, not only capable of defence, but also of 



^ Shawnese. 

^ It was an Indian custom to bury or conceal their slain companions 
during a batile, to prevent the enemy from taking their scalps. 



A GAIN'S T THE SENEGA S. 175 

being occupied by a detachment of a hundred soldiers, 
which are to winter there under the command of M. de 
Troyes/ a veteran officer, now captain of one of the com- 
panies stationed in this country. We advanced thirteen 
leagues this day, and encamped on the point at the end of 
the lake, where there is a traverse of four leagues from 
the southern to the northern shore. 

On the morning of the 4th, fearing the day breeze, we 
embarked as soon as the moon rose, and accomplished the 
traverse of four leagues. We advanced fourteen leagues 
this day. 

On the 5th the storm, wind and rain, prevented us from 
leaving in the morning, but at noon, the weather clearing 
up, we advanced seven or eight leagues, and encamped at 
a place to which I had sent forward our Christian savages 
from below. We found there two hundred deer which 
they had killed, a good share of which they gave to our 
army, which thus profited by the fortunate chase. 

On the 6th, having a light favorable wind, we encamped 
two leagues below Oannarashe, a place where salmon is 
very abundant, and accomplished this day about fifteen 



^ De Nonville left De Troyes with provisions and munitions for 
eight months. A sickness soon after broke out in the garrison, by 
which they nearly all perished, including their commander. The 
cause of the sickness was asoi'ibed to the climate, but was probably 
owing to the unwholesome food with which they were provided. 
They were so closely besieged by the Iroquois that they were unable 
to supply themselves with fresh provisions. The fortress was soon 
after abandoned and destroyed, much to the regret of De Nonvlle. 



176 I>E NONYILLE'8 BXPEBIIION' 

leagues. We met on the same day the bark which was 
coming from Catarocouy, bringing provisions for the gar- 
rison we had left to winter at Niagara. On the 7th we 
advanced twelve good leagues and encamped two leagues 
below KeutS. 

On the 8th, favored by a light wind from the south-west, 
we advanced fifteen good leagues, and encamped near the 
island of La Foret. 

On the 9th, notwithstanding a contrary wind, we ad- 
vanced nine leagues, and arrived at Fort Catarocouy, where 
we remained the rest of that day and a part of the next, 
to give the necessary orders for the wintering of the garri- 
son we have left there, composed of a hundred men under 
the command of M. D'Orvilliers. We set out from the 
Fort on the afternoon of the 10th, and encamped at point 
A la Mort, distant five leagues from Catarocouy. 

On the 11th we advanced eighteen leagues, and en- 
camped two leagues from La Galette. 

On the 12th we passed a portion of the rapids much 
sooner than we ascended. We encamped at point A Bau- 
det in Lake St. Francis. 

On the 13th, we reached Montreal at an early hour, 
where we were impatiently expected, and what is sur- 
prising, without once having in all our voyage beard any 
news of our Iroquois enemies. 



?// 



i 

1'/,' 



( 



AGAINST THE SENEGAS. 177 



EXPLANATION OF THE MAP. 

The names of the ancient and modern Indian villages within the 
bounds of the accompanying map, were furnished by Blacksmith, 
as mentioned in the introduction, and their exact localities were as- 
certained as near as possible. The original terms are descriptive of 
locality, or significant of some quality appertaining to the respective 
villages, but have nearly all been corrupted, or entirely changed by 
the white man. 

In writing them down, Pickering's system of orthography has 
been in the main pursued; a, sounding like a in fall; a, like a in hat; 
e, like e in they; i, like i in machine; o, like o in note; u, like u in 
but. The horizontal mark above a vowel indicates a nasal 
sound. When t and h come together they must be sounded sepa- 
rately, as the h only adds a rough breathing to the t. The ! after 
the h denotes a sound similar to the close of the interjection oh ! 
when repeated impatiently, approaching the sound of k, but not 
quite reaching it. It is almost impossible to I'epresent the sounds 
of Indian words by the English alphabet. If, however, the sounds 
of the letters, as above indicated, are strictly observed, and the 
accents properly attended to, a near approximation to the correct 
pronunciation will be attained. 

A. Sgoh'-sa-is'-thah!. This is the Indian name of a great resort 
for fishing, which formerly existed on the Irondequoit Creek, a short 
distance above the head of the bay. The meaning of the word is, 
"^Ae swell dashes against the precipice^'''' referring to the fact that a 
heavy swell sometimes beats against the ledge over which the falls 
pour. 

B. Ga-o'-sa-eh !-ga-aah. " The bass loood bark used to lie there" 
A more particular notice of this word will be founded in the intro- 
duction. 

C. Chi'-nos-hah!'-geh. ^^ On the slope of the valley." In allusion 

23 



178 BE N ON VILLE'S EXPEDITION 

to the location of the village. The stream now called " Mud Creek," 
was formerly known by the same name among the Indians. 

D. Ga'-non-daa-gwah'. " A chosen town,'''' compounded of Ga- 
non-dah, " town^'' and Gaa-gwah, " it toas selected.'''' The lake was 
also known by the same name, now called, by corruption, Canan- 
daigua, 

E. Hah!'-nya-yah!'. " Where the finger lies.^^ This name is com- 
pounded of Hah'-nyah, " his finger,'''' and ga-yah, " it lies there,''^ 
and originated from the following circumstance, handed down by 
Indian tradition. An Indian was picking strawberries near the foot 
of the Honeoye lake. A rattlesnake, coiled in the grass, bit the end 
of his finger. The Indian fearing the effects of the poison, cut off 
the wounded end with his tomaha\vk, and left it lying in the grass. 
The whites call the name Honeoye, which is much less musical than 
the original. 

F. Sga'-nyiu-dais. " Lo7ig Lake,^'' now called Scanitice. 

G. Nah!'-daah!. ''Hemlock,'''' compounded of 0-nah-dah, "Aem- 
lock^'' and ga-ah', " it is upony Referring to the abundance of 
that tree which grew on the borders of the lake. 

H. Gah!'-nyuh-sas. This name, according to Wm. Jones, takes its 
origin from an old scoop-net fishing ground, at the outlet of the lake. 
Blacksmith pronounces it Gah-neh'-sas, and says it is derived from 
the abundance of sheep-berries which formerly grew on the western 
borders of the lake. There was a village of the same name at the 
head of the lake. 

J. Gah!-a'-yan-duk. Literally, " there was a fort there.'''' This 
was an ancient Indian village situated on the top of an eminence. 
For a further description, see the introduction. 

K. Ga-non'-da-eh!. " A village on a hill.'''' It was located on the 
eastern bank of the Honeoye, near where the present mail road 
crosses that stream. 

L. Sga-his'-ga-aah!. Literally, " It was a long creek.'''' There 
was an Indian village formerly located on the stream where Lima is 
now situated, and which bore this name. 



A GAINST IHE SENEGAS. 179 

M. Dyu-d6'6-s6t. ^^ At the spring.'''' This village, according to 
Blacksmith, was one of the four principal ancient villages of the 
Senecas, the other three having been located at B. C & N. 

N. De-yu'di-haak'-doh. " The hend.^'' This ancient village was 
situated in a large bend of the Honeoye, north of the present village 
of West Mendon, A more particular description of its location may 
be found in the introduction. 

O. Gah!-ni'-gah-d6t. " 7%e^esi!^(3 s«a?ic?s iAere." This was a more 
modern village, and was situated at or near the site of East Avon. 

P. Ga-no'-wa-gas. Literally, "it has the stnell of the scum." A 
foetid substance which rises on the surface. Descriptive of the odor 
of the mineral springs near Avon. 

R. Gah!-da'-oh. ''Bluff.'" Now called Gardow. This place was 
for many years the residence of Mary Jemison, the white woman. 

S. De-yu'-it-ga-oh. " Where the valley widens.'''' 

T. Sho-n6h!'-jo-waah!-geh. "• At Gen. Morris's.'''' The general was 
called by this name, without the suffix geh, which denotes locality. 
The place is now called Mount Morris. This, and the four villages 
last named, were comparatively modern. 



APPENDIX 



NO. I. 



The following copy of the Proces verbal of the act of possession 
of the territory of the Senecas by the French, was translated from 
the Paris Documents at Albany, Vol. Ill, p. 209. Taken in connection 
with De Nonville's narrative, it is a paper of much interest. 

" Record of the taking possession of the country of the Iroquois, 
called. Sonnontouant. 



180 BE NONVILLE'8 EXPEDIIION 

" On tlie 19th day of July, in the year 1687, the troops commanded 
by the Honorable Ren6 de Brisay, Chevalier, Seigneur Marquis of De 
Nonville and other places, Governor and Lieutenant General for the 
King in the whole extent of Canada, and country of New France, in 
presence of Hector, Chevalier de Calliere, Governor of Montreal in 
the said country, commanding the camp under his orders, and of 
Philip de Rigand, Chevalier de Vaudreuil, commanding the troops 
of the King, which being drawn up in battle array, there appeared 
at the head of the army, Charles Aubert, Sieur de la Chenays, citizen 
of Quebec, deputed by the Honorable Jean Boohart, Chevalier, Seig- 
neur de Champiguy, Horoy, Verneuil and other places, Counsellor 
of the King in his councils, Intendant of Justice, Police and Finances 
in all Northern France, who asserted and declared, that at the re- 
quisition of the said Seigneur de Champigny, he did take possession 
of the village of Totiakton, as he had done of the other three villages 
named Gannagaro, Gannondata, and Gannongarae, and of a Fort 
distant half a league from the said village of Gannagaro, together 
with all the lands which are in their vicinit}'^, however far they ex- 
tend, conquered in the name of his Majesty; and as evidence there- 
of has planted in all the said villages and Forts, the arms of his said 
Majesty, and has proclaimed in a loud voice, ' vive le roi,'' after the 
said troops have vanquished and put to flight eight hundred li'oquois 
Tsonnontouans, and have laid waste, burnt and destroyed their pro- 
visions and cabins. And on account of the foregoing, the Sieur de 
la Chenays Aubert, has required evidence to be granted to him by 
me, Paul Dupuy, Esquire, Counsellor of the King, and his Attorney 
at the Court of the Provost of Quebec. 

" Done at the said village of Totiakton, the lai-gest village of the 
Tsonnontouans, in presence of the Reverend Father Yaillant, Jesuit, 
and of the oiBcers of the regulars and militia, witnesses with me the 
said attorney of the King. Subscribed the day and year above 
mentioned, and signed in the original by Charles Aubert de la 
Chenays, J. Ren6 de Brisay, Monsieur De Nonville, Le Chevalier de 
Calliere, Fleutelot de Romprey, de Desmeloizes, de Ramezay, Fran- 



AGAINST THE SENEGAS. 181 

cois Yaillant of the Company of Jesus, de Grandeville, de Longueil, 
Saint Paul and Dupuy. 

" Compared with the originial remaning in my hands, by me, the 
undersigned. Counsellor, Secretary of his Majesty, and Chief Regis- 
ter of the Sovereign Council at Quebec. 

" Signed, PENURET." 



NO. II. 

Account of the Expedition of De Nonville as related by the Baron 
La Hontan in his " Travels in America." Translated from the 
French edition published a La Haye, in 1715. 

"On the third day of July, 1687, we embarked from Fort Fron- 
tinac, to coast along the southern shore, under favor of the calms 
which prevail in that month, and at the same time the Sieur de la 
Foret left for Niagara by the north side of the Lake, to wait there 
for a considerable reinforcement. 

" By extraordinary good fortune we both arrived on the same day, 
and nearly the same hour, at the I'iver of the Tsonnontouans, by 
reason of which our Savage allies, who draw predictions from the 
merest trifles, foretold with their usual superstition, that so punctual 
a meeting infallibly indicated the total destruction of the Iroquois. 
How they deceived themselves the sequel will show. 

" The same evening on which we landed, we commenced drawing 
our canoes and batteaux upon land, and protected them by a strong 
guard. We afterwards set about constructing a fort of stakes, in 
which four hundred men were stationed, under the command of the 
Sieur Dorvilliers, to guard the boats and baggage. 

" The next day a young Canadian, named La Fontaine Marion^ 
was unjustly put to death. The following is his history. This poor 
unfortunate became acquainted with the country and savages of 
Canada by the numerous voyages he made over the continent, and 



182 I>E NONYILLE'8 EXPEDITION 

after having rendered his King good service, asked permission of 
several of the Governors General to continue his travels in further 
prosecution of his petty traffic, but he could never obtain it. He 
then determined to go to New England, as war did not then exist 
between the two Crowns. He was very well received, on account of 
his enterprise and acquaintance with nearly all the Indian languages. 
It was proposed that he should pilot through the lakes, those two 
companies of English which have since been captured. He agreed 
to do so, and was unfortunately taken with the rest. 

" The injustice of which they were guilty, appears to me inexcus- 
able, for we were at peace with the English, besides which they 
claim that the lakes of Canada belong to them. 

" On the following day we set out for the great village of the 
Tsonnontouans, without any other provision than the ten biscuit 
which each man was compelled to carry for himself. We had but 
seven leagues to march, through immense forests of lofty trees and 
over a very level country. The Coureurs de bois formed the van- 
guard, with a part of the savages, the remainder of which brought 
up the rear — the regulars and militia being in the centre. 

" The first day, our scouts marched in advance without making 
any discoveries. The distance which we accomplished was four 
leagues. On the second day the same scouts took the lead, and ad- 
vanced even to the fields of the village, without perceiving any one, 
although they passed within pistol shot of five hundred Tsonnon- 
touans lying on their bellies, who suffered them to pass and repass 
without interruption. 

" On receiving their report we marched in great] haste and little 
order, believing that as the Iroquois had fled, we could at least cap- 
ture their women, children and old men. But|when we arrived at 
the foot of the hill on which they lay in ambush, distant about a 
quarter of a league from the village, they began to utter their 
ordinary cries, followed with a discharge of musketry. 

" If you had seen, sir, the disorder into which our militia and 
regulars were thrown, among the dense woods, you would agree with 



AQAmST THE 8ENEGA8. 183 

me, that it would require many thousand Europeans to make head 
against these barbarians. 

" Our battalions were immediately separated into platoons, which 
ran without order, pell mell, to the right and left, without knowing 
whither they went. Instead of firing upon the Iroquois, we fired 
upon each other. It was in vain to call ' help^ soldiers of such a 
battalion,'' for we could scarcely see thirty paces. In short, we were 
so disordered, that the enemy were about to fall upon us, club in 
hand, when our savages having rallied, repulsed and pursued them 
so closely, even to their villages, that they killed more than eighty, 
the heads of which they brought away, not counting the wounded 
who escaped. 

" We lost on this occasion ten savages and a hundred Frenchmen ; 
we had twenty or twenty-two wounded, among whom was the good 
Father Angelram, the Jesuit, who was shot in those parts of which 
Origen wished to deprive himself, that he might instruct the fair 
sex with less scandal. 

" When the savages brought the heads to M. De Nonville, they 
inquired why he halted instead of advancing. He replied that he 
could not leave his wounded, and to afford his surgeons time to care 
for them, he had thought proper to encamp. They proposed making 
litters to carry them to the village, which was near at hand. The 
general being unwilling to follow this advice, endeavored to make 
them listen to reason, but in place of hearing him, they reassembled, 
and having held a council among themselves, although they were 
more than ten different nations, they resolved to go alone in pursuit 
of the fugitives, of whom they expected to capture at least the 
women, children, and old men. 

" When they were ready to march, M. De Nonville exhorted them 
not to leave him or depart from his camp, but i-est for one day, and 
that the next day he would go and burn the villages of the enemy, 
and lay waste their fields, in consequence of which they would 
perish by famine. This offended them so much that the greater 
part returned to their country, saying that ' the French had come 



184 I>E NONVILLE'S EXPEDITION 

for an excursion rather than to carry on war, since they would not 
profit by the finest opportunity in the world ; that their ardor was 
like a sudden flash, extinguished as soon as kindled; that it seemed 
useless to have brought so many warriors from all parts to burn 
bark cabins, which could be rebuilt in four days; that the Tsonnon- 
touans would care but little if their Indian corn was destroyed, since 
the other Iroquois nations had suf&cient to afford them a pai't; that 
finally, after having joined the Governors of Canada to no purpose, 
they would never trust them in future, notwithstanding any promises 
they might make.' 

** Some say that M. De Nonville should have gone farther, others 
think it was impossible for him to do better, I will not venture to 
decide between them. Those at the helm are often the most em- 
barrassed. However, we marched the next day to the great village, 
carrying our wounded on litters, but found nothing but ashes, the 
Iroquois having taken the precaution to burn it themselves. We 
were occupied five or six days in cutting down Indian corn in the 
fields with our swords. From thence we passed to the two small 
villages of The-ga-ron-hies and Da-non-ca-ri-ta-oui, distant two or 
three leagues from the former, where we performed the same exploits, 
and then returned to the borders of the lake. We found in all these 
villages, horses, cattle, poultry and a multitude of swine. The 
country which we saw is the most beautiful, level, and charming in 
the world. The woods we traversed abounded in oak, walnut and 
wild chestnut trees." 



NO. III. 

DBRIVATION OF " NIAGABA." 

It appears that the orthography of this word was established as 
early as the time of De Nonville's expedition — it having been written 
by him as now spelt. Its derivation, having recently been a topic 



AGAINST THE SERE GAS. 185 

of discussion in various quarters, is of sufficient interest to merit in- 
vestigation. 

Lakes Erie and Ontario, and the Strait by which they are con- 
nected, are laid down, but not named, on the map annexed to Cham- 
plain's voyages, published in 1613. A fall of water is indicated on 
the Strait, near Lake Ontario, and is there called " Ghute d^eau,^'' or 
waterfall. This is the earliest notice on record of the Falls of 
Niagara. 

Father L'Allemant, in his relation of Brebeuf's visit in 1640, to 
the Neutral Nation, which was then in possession of both borders 
of the Niagara, calls the river, " Ongidaahra,'''' and states that one 
of the villages of that nation was known by the same name. It is 
not probable that Brebeuf visited the cataract, as no mention is 
made of it in the narrative. 

It is in this word, " Onguiaahra^'' that we undoubtedly have the 
germ of Niagara, and it is interesting to notice the changes and 
modifications which it has undergone. 

It next appears as " Ongiara,''^ on Sanson's Map of Canada, pub- 
lished in 1657, seventeen years after Brebeuf's visit, and is there 
applied to the Falls. 

On Ducreux's latin map, attached to his Histoirm Ganadensis, 
published in 1660, the Falls are called " Ongiara Cataractes," or 
the Cataract of Niagara. 

In 1687, we find De Nonville using the present orthography, and 
since that time, all French writers have uniformly written the word 
" Niagara." The English, on the other hand, were not uniform in 
spelling it, until about the middle of the last century. 

The following are some of the changes which occur among differ- 
ent English writers: 

1687, Oneagerah — London Documents, Albany, vol. Ill, p. 177. 

" Onygara — do. do. do, 

1747, lagara — Colden's Five Nations, Appendix, p. 15. 
" Onigara — do. do. do. p. 79. 

1757, Ochniagara — Smith's History of New York, vol. I, p. 220. 
1769, Ogniogorah — Knox's Historical Journal, vol. II, p. 139. 
24 



186 



BE WONVILLE'S EXPEDITION 



Onguiaahra and Ongiara, are eyidently identical, and present the 
same elements as Niagara, They are undoubtedly compounds of 
words expressive of some meaning, as is usual with aboriginal terms, 
but which meaning is now lost. The '• o " which occurs in both the 
French and English orthography, is probably a neuter prefix, similar 
to what is used by the Senecas and Mohawks. 

One writer contends that Niagara is derived from Nyah'-gaah', or 
as he writes it, " Ne-ah'-gah," said to be the name of a Seneca village 
which formerly existed on the Niagara River below Lewiston, and 
now applied by the Senecas to Lake Ontario. 

This derivation, however, cannot be correct, for Onguiaahra, and 
its counterpart Ongiara, were in use as names of the river and falls, 
long before the Seneca village in question was in existence. The 
Neutral Nation, from whose language the words were taken, lived 
on both borders of the Niagara until they were exterminated by the 
Senecas in 1643. 

It is far more probable that Nyah'-gaah', is a reappearance of 
Ongiara in the Seneca dialect, and this view is strengthened by the 
fact, that the former, unlike most Iroquois names, is without mean- 
ing, and as the aborigines do not confer arbitrary names, it is an 
evidence that it has been borrowed or derived from a foreign lan- 
guage. 

The conclusion then, is, that the French derived Niagara from 
Ongiara, and the Senecas, when they took possession of the terri- 
tories of the Neutral Nation, adopted the name Ongiara, as near as 
the idiom of their language would allow, and hence their name 
Nyah'-gaah'. 





THE FIRST VISIT OF DE LA SALLE TO THE 
SENEGAS, MADE IN 1669.^ 

N the citj of Rouen, the ancient capital of Nor- 
mandj, ahnost under the shadow of its re- 
nowned Cathedral, was born, on the 22d day 
of November, 1643, Robert Cavalier de La 
Salle. 

Descended from an honorable parentage, he received 
under the care of the Jesuits, all the advantages of a 
hberal education, and for a brief period was enrolled as a 
member of their Order. 

• When he left them on the death of his father, it was 
without fortune, for bj his connection with their Society 
he had forfeited all claim to the parental heritage. 

With no resources save his indomitable energy and 
scientific accomplishments, and no apparent inducements 
except the love of adventure, and a desire to visit an elder 
brother then resident in Canada, he embarked for the New 
World in 1666, where he founded near Montreal, the 
village of ''La Chine." 

' Tl.is paper was originally read before the Buffalo Historical 
Society, March 16, 1874. 



188 VISIT OF BE I A SALLE 

Increased attention has within the last few years, been 
directed to his researches and explorations on this Con- 
tinent. 

The recent discovery of various manuscripts relating to 
his explorations along our Northern Lakes and Western 
Rivers as far as the Gulf of Mexico, has awakened a fresh 
interest in this subject. A large mass of new material is 
now in the possession of Mr. Pierre Margry, of Paris, for 
the publication of which $10,000 has recently been appro- 
priated by an Act of our Congress, procured by the joint 
efforts of some of the most eminent of our American 
historians, aided by our own and other Historical Societies. 

While on a recent visit to Paris, I was enabled, through 
the courtesy of Mr. Margry, to examine his rare collec- 
tions, and can testify to their value and importance. 

The proposed publication will embrace several volumes 
of original material. 

Three will be devoted to the discoveries and explora- 
tions of La Salle, and one to each of the following sub- 
jects : 

The Pioneers of the Mississippi. 

Le Moyne D'Iberville, First Eoyal Governor of Louis- 
iana. 

Le Moyne de Bienville, Second Royal Governor of 
Louisiana. 

Antoine de la Mothe Cadillac, Third Royal Governor of 
Louisiana. 

The Chain of Western Posts, and 



TO THE SENEGAS. 189 

The Indians. Making in all ten volumes. 

They will be issued under a contract, which has been 
concluded between Mr. Margry and the Joint Library 
Committee of Congress. The first volume is nearly ready 
for the press, and will be looked for with much interest 
by students of American history. 

Mr. Margry has been engaged, for many years, in col- 
lecting the material for this publication, his official con- 
nection with the Department of the Ministere de la Marine, 
in Paris, having afforded him special facilities, for the 
undertaking. 

Among his collections, I found an unpublished manu- 
script journal, copied from the original in the Bibliotheque 
Nationale, in Paris, giving an account of an expedition 
undertaken by La Salle and two Sulpician Missionaries 
into the country of the Senecas, more than 200 years ago. 

As one of the special objects of this Society is the dis- 
covery and preservation of historical material relating to 
the settlement of Western New York, whether confined 
to the pioneer enterprises of the whites, or embracing 
their first intercourse and transactions with the Indians, I 
willingly accepted the friendly offer of Mr. Margry, to 
furnish the extract from the journal in question, a trans- 
lation of which I beg leave to introduce to your attention 
this evening, as the basis of my present paper. 

Aside from its intrinsic interest, it seemed to be of suffi- 
cient historical importance to entitle it to a place among 
our archives. 



190 VISIT OF DE LA SALLE 

It describes the first visit of La Salle to Western New- 
York, made in 1669, before he had acquired the renown 
which his subsequent adventures and explorations affixed 
to his name. The people he visited were our early neigh- 
bors. They met him in council, spoke the same peculiar 
language we have so often heard in our streets, and exhi- 
bited many of the customs and manners which even now 
prevail among their descendants. 

The map annexed to the journal, forms an interesting 
illustration of the knowledge acquired by the party, of 
the form and size of the North American Lakes during 
their long pioneer voyage from Montreal to the Sault Ste 
Marie. The copy which I obtained is a fac simile of the 
original, and measures 4i feet in length, by 2J feet in 
breadth. It is covered with the annotations of Galinee, 
mostly inverted, so as to be read only from the north side, 
owing to his stand point being, when he drew it, on the 
Canadian side of the Great Lakes, looking towards the 
south. It has never yet been published, but will undoubt- 
edly be reproduced among Mr. Margry's papers. 

The missionaries attached to the expedition, were 
Francois Dollier de Casson, and Rene de Brehart de 
Galinee, both attached to the Order of St. Sulpice. The 
former had been a cavalry officer under Marshal Turenne. 
At the date of this expedition, he was about 40 years old, 
and Superior of the Seminary belonging to his Order at 
Montreal. He was a man of commanding presence and 
tried courage, of which he had given proofs in the cam- 
paign of Governor Courcelles against the Mohawks in 1666. 



TO THE BENE C A 8. 191 

His strength was so prodigious, that he was said to be 
able to carry two men, sitting, one in each hand. 

Galinee, the historian of the enterprise, was skilled in 
the Algonquin tongue, and had no little reputation as a 
surveyor and astronomer. He could construct a chart of 
his travels through the wilderness, so as to be able to re- 
trace his way. 

Both priests were ardent and zealous for the conversion 
of the North American Indians to the Roman faith, and 
had long been waiting for some favorable opportunity, to 
penetrate, for that purpose, the vast and as yet unex- 
plored regions of the West. 

De La Salle, then 36 years old, had resided in Canada 
about three years, and the opportunities he had enjoyed 
for intercourse with the Iroquois and other western tribes, 
who were accustomed to visit Montreal for the purposes 
of trade, had not been neglected. From them he had 
heard of the Ohio, the Mississippi,^ and of the bouniless 
forests and prairies through which they flowed, teeming 
with game and the fur bearing animals. They had told 
him of the vast lakes, as yet unnavigated save by their 
frail canoes, on the borders of which were inexhaustible 
mines, yielding the richest ores of iron and copper. 

His imagination kindled at the recital, and so great was 
his ambition to accomplish his favorite object, that he sold 



^ The Mississippi was alluded to hy name in the Jesuit relations 
as early as 1670. Its outlet was then supposed to be in the "Florida 
Sea." Relation 1670-1, pp. 93, 144 and 175. 



192 VISIT OF BE LA SALLE 

the possessions he had acquired in Canada, to realize the 
means for defraying the expenses of an expedition to test 
the truth of the Indian narrations. 

Encouraged by the patronage of Courcelles the Governor, 
and Talon the Intendant of Canada, who were lavish of 
all except pecuniary aid, he resolved to ascend the St. 
Lawrence, and passing through the chain of Western 
Lakes, to seek for the great river, that, having its source 
in the Iroquois country, flowed, according to Indian 
authority, into afar distant sea, and which Cham plain and 
L'Escarbot had confidently hoped might be the westerly 
road to China and Japan. 

In the summer of 1669, La Salle organized, with the 
two Sulpicians, a joint expedition to accomplish their 
several purposes — the former to prosecute his discoveries 
in the West, and the missionaries to baptize into the Roman 
faith, the neophytes that they should secure among the 
sedentary and nomad tribes found in the valleys of the 
Ohio, the Mississippi and the Lakes. 

When every thing was ready for a speedy departure, 
the unfortunate assassination of an Iroquois chief by three 
French soldiers at Montreal, detained them fifteen days, 
and threatened a renewal of the war which had just then, 
happily terminated. The execution of the guilty soldiers 
expiated their crime, and propitiated the offended Iroquois. 
All fear of reprisals being allayed, the party left La Chine^ 

^ So called, perhaps in derision, from its being their supposed 
starting point for China. Paul Le Jeune, Superior of the Jesuit 
missions in Canada, in a letter from Quebec, dated Sept. 10th, 1640, 



TO THE SENEGAS. 193 

on the 6th day of July — La Salle with 15 men in four 
canoes, and De Casson and Galinee, with seven men in 
three canoes, escorted by two other canoes containing a 
party of Senecas who had been the guests of La Salle in 
Montreal, during the preceding winter. They ascended 
the St. Lawrence, threading the intricate channels formed 
by the Thousand islands, carrying their canoes and effects 
around the numerous and difficult portages they met on 
the way, and at length, after 27 days of incessant toil, in 
which they suffered severely from disease and exposure, 
they reached the broad expanse of Lake Ontario. Coast- 
ing along its southern shore, they landed on the 10th day 
of August, at the mouth of Irondequoit Bay, four miles 
east of the Genesee river. This bay was, in early times, 
the principal route by which the Senecas were accustomed 
to pass between their villages and the lake. There was a 
portage from the head of the bay, across to the Genesee 
river, striking the latter above the falls at Rochester, 



gives a curious account of an attempt on the part of an Englishman, 
accompanied by a single servant and a party of Abenaki Indians, to 
cross the American continent in search of a north-west passage to 
the sea. He arrived at Quebec on the 24th day of June, 1640. The 
Governor compelled him to return to England. Relation, 1639-40, 
p. 135. 

It was the favorite belief of the early travelers in America, that 
an overland route to China was practicable. 1. Le Clercq Etab- 
lissement de la Foi, p. 195. 

Father Vimont says that the Jesuit " Raymbault designed to go 
to China across the American wilderness, hut God sent him on the 
road to heaven.''^ He died at the Saut de Ste. Marie, in 1641. Re- 
lation, 1642-3, p. 271. 
25 



194 VISIT OF DE LA SALLE 

which afforded a much shorter and more convenient route 
to the upper waters of the Genesee, and to the sources of 
the Ohio, than by ascending the channel through its mouth. 

The bay is first noticed on the map annexed to the 
Jesuit Relation published in 1666, and is frequently 
alluded to in subsequent narratives of early western ex- 
ploration. A fort was built by the French on the sandy 
bar at its mouth, soon after the commencement of the last 
century, and appropriately called " Fort des Sables." It 
does not appear to have been permanently garrisoned, its 
site being, for a long time, debatable ground between the 
French and the English. The latter obtained a deed from 
the Senecas in 1741, of a parallelogram bounding on the 
lake, embracing within its limits the whole of the bay, and 
extending inland to the depth of thirty miles. De Non- 
ville landed in the bay, and constructed on its shore a de- 
fensive work for the protection of his boats, when on his 
celebrated expedition against the Senecas in 1687.^ 

At the date of La Salle's visit, the whole of the present 
State of New York, was a dense and unbroken wilderness, 
its soil un tilled by the white man, and its forest recesses 



^ The Seneca name of this bay, corrupted by the English into 
"Irondequoit " and " Gerundegut," furnishes au interesting illus- 
tration of the Indian custom of bestowing significant names upon 
prominent localities. They call it " 0-nyiu-da-on-da-gwat," the 
word being compounded of " Ga-nyiu-da-eh," lake, and " 0-da- 
gwah," it turns aside. Literally, "the lake turns aside," or forms a 
bay, an etymological compound, analogous to the English term 
" in-let." 



TO THE SENEGAS. I95 

unexplored, save by the Jesuits in their missionary enter- 
prises, and the French and Dutch, from Montreal and Fort 
Orange, in their prosecution of the fur trade. The 
Iroquois tribes were of a sedentary character, and the 
alluvial bottoms within the neighborhood and protection 
of their villages, yielded to their rude cultivation, rich re- 
turns of maize, beans, squashes and melons, furnishing 
ample food for their subsistence.^ 

Their villages, four in number, were all east of the 
Genesee River. The largest called Ga-o-sa-eh-gaaah, 
occupied what has since been known as Bough ton Hill, in 
Ontario County, just south of Victor Station, on the Central 
Railroad, and midway between Rochester and Canandai- 
gua. The second in importance, De-yu-di-haak-doh, was in 
a large bend of the Honeoye outlet, in Livingston County, 
about ten miles south of Rochester. The third, CJii-nos- 
hah-geh, was nearly four miles south-east of Victor, and the 
fourth, De-o-don-8ot, five miles south-east of Avon Springs, 
at the source of the little Conesus Creek. These four 
villages formed, as it were, the angles of a nearly right 
angled parallelogram, the two nearest Lake Ontario being 
about 18 miles southerly therefrom. The corresponding 



^ The Swedish naturalist Kalm, who traveled extensively in North 
America in 1748-9, says, that "maize, kidney beans, pumpions, 
squashes, gourds, watermelons and muskmelons were cultivated by 
the Indians long before the arrival of Europeans." Kalm's Travels, 
vol III., p. 295. Possibly the seeds of some of these fruits were in- 
troduced among the natives by the Jesuits, early in the 1 7th century, 
and being found by subsequent travelers, were supposed by them 
to be indigenous. 



196 VISIT OF BE LA SALLE 

Mohawk names of these four villages, as written by De- 
nonville, were Gannagaro, Totiakto, Gannogarae and Gan- 
nounata.^ 

The earliest recorded visit made to these villages by the 
white man, was that of Father Chaumonot, in the latter 
part of 1656, thirteen years before the expedition of La 
Salle.^ 

It did not result in any permanent mission among the 
Senecas, as he remained but a short time in their country. 
The wars then raging between the Iroquois and their 
savage neighbors, were wholly incompatible with mis- 
sionary enterprises. 

It was not until the year 1667, that the Jesuits made 
permanent arrangements for the culture of this new and 
remote field. In July of that year. Fathers Fremin, 
Pierron and Brujas, left Quebec for the Iroquois country. 
They were detained on their way for more than a month 
at Fort St. Anne, on the outlet of Lake Charaplain, 
through fear of the Mohegans, then on a raid against the 



^ See an account of the location of these villages and of their iden- 
tification by the author, in the previous article beginning at page 
123. 

"^ Some American historians are of the opinion that Champlain, in 
his expedition against the Iroquois in 1616, laid siege to a Seneca 
village then situated on the west side of Canandaigua Lake. Doc. 
History of N. Y., Vol. III., p. 10. Champlain's works, Quebec edition, 
p. 528. It appears to the author, on a careful examination of Cham- 
plain's journal and map, that he came no further west than Onon- 
daga Lake. See N, Y. Historical Proceedings, 1849, p. 96. 



TO THE SENECAS. 197 

Mohawks. Their alarm having subsided, they left the 
fort on the 23d of August, and arrived at '* Gan-da-oua-ge," 
a Mohawk village which had witnessed the labors and 
death of the Jesuit martj^r Jogues, twenty-one years be- 
fore. Here Fremin and Pierron now established them- 
selves in their missionary work. Father Bruyas passed 
on to Oneida, where he arrived in September, and was 
soon after joined by Gamier. 

But another field farther west was calling for laborers, 
and Garnier, in obedience to the summons, left for the 
Central Canton of the Onondagas, where he was joined 
by two new recruits. Millet^ and Carheil, in October of the 
following year. 

Leaving Millet at Onondaga, Carheil proceeded west- 
ward to Cayuga, where he arrived in November, 1668, 
and remained in missionary work for several years, but 
was finally driven out through the influence of the haughty 
" 0-re-oua-he," otherwise called " La Grand Guele." He 
spent sixty years of missionary life among the Indians, 
and died in Quebec in 1726. 

Missions having thus been established in the four eastern 
Cantons of the Iroquois, the Senecas, the most populous 



1 Millet continued at Onondaga until 1371. He was then trans- 
ferred to Oneida, where he remained until 1684, when he returned 
to Canada. He was taken prisoner near Fort Frontenac by the 
Oneidas in 1689, but his life was saved through his adoption by a 
squaw. He finally succeeded in obtaining his release, and returned 
to Quebec in 1694. Father Charlevoix saw him in 1722, and speaks 
of him in terms of the highest consideration. 



198 VISIT OF BE LA SALLE 

and warlike of the confederacy, desirous of sharing in the 
same religious advantages, sent a deputation of their most 
influential chiefs to Montreal in November, 1668, asking 
the Jesuits to send missionaries to their villages. 

The request was promptly granted, for when was such 
an appeal ever made to a Jesuit in vain. They selected 
Father Fremin, who had now spent a year among the 
Mohawks, for the new mission, and he was soon on his 
way to the country of the fierce and haughty Senecas, 
leaving Pierron to conduct, single handed, the former mis- 
sion. He arrived at " Tsonnontouan," ^ on the first day of 
November, 1668, in the midst of a raging epidemic, which 
was so destructive, that he was obliged to summon Father 
Garnier from Onondaga to his aid. 

Fremin chose for his residence the village of Gan-don- 
ga-rae,^ situated on the banks of a stream now known as 
Mud Creek, nearly four miles south-east of Victor, a site 
which until quite recently, bore many evidences of former 
Indian occupancy. He there founded the mission of St. 
Michael, in which he continued to labor until 1671. 

Garnier located at the village called by the Mohawks 
Gan-da-chi-ra-gou, described on page 195 as Qa-o-sa-eh-ga- 
aah in Seneca, situated on what is now known as Boughton 
Hill, where he remained until 1683. Hennepin saw him 
there in 1679, at the time negotiations were instituted 
with the Senecas in behalf of La Salle, for permission to 



^ This was the general name of the Seneca country. See Appendix. 
* See page 196 where it is called Gannogarae. 



TO THE SENEGAS. 199 

build a fort or storehouse on the Niagara, and a vessel 
above the Falls. 

These missions being thus fully established, Father 
Fremin, as Superior, called a general council of all the 
Jesuits laboring in them, to meet at Onondaga for con- 
sultation as to the best means for promoting their mission- 
ary work, or, in the language of Father Bruyas, "for 
advancing the salvation of souls, the glory of God and the 
Iroquois Missions." 

They assembled on the 29th day of August, 1669, in 
full council. Fremin left the Seneca Mission of St. 
Michael to attend the convocation on the tenth day of the 
same month, the very day that the expedition, under La 
Salle and the two Sulpicians, landed at Irondequoit Bay, 
as before stated, on their way to Gannagaro, or St. James, 
on Boughton Hill.^ 

The avowed object of La Salle and his companions, in 
visiting the Senecas, was to obtain a guide competent to 
conduct them through the unknown wilderness that lay 
between their villages and the sources of the Ohio. The 
unfortunate absence of Fremin and Garnier at the On- 
ondaga Council during all the time of their visit, was 
undoubtedly the principal cause of the failure of the ex- 
pedition, as they were the only individuals who had a 
knowledge of the Indian language, sufficient to enable 
them to interpret between the French and the Senecas. 
There is good reason for the belief that they were absent 



^ Jesuit Relation, 1670, p. 74, Canada edition. 



200 VISIT OF BE LA SALLE 

by design. La Salle had formerly been a member of their 
Order, but had resigned before he came to America, its 
rigid discipline and ascetic vows not harmonizing with his 
restless ambition and love of adventure. 

Although he was engaged for twenty years in western 
explorations, frequently meeting the Jesuits in his travels 
and visiting them in their missions, there is not, in all the 
twenty volumes of their Relations published during that 
period, a single allusion to his name or to any of his dis- 
coveries. While the Griffon was building at the mouth of 
the Cayuga Greek, La Salle was traversing the Niagara 
and the borders of Lake Ontario, holding councils with the 
Senecas in the villages in which the Jesuits were estab- 
lished, yet they omitted to record in their writings, the 
slightest notice of his presence or reference to his enter- 
prises. There can be no satisfactory explanation of all 
this, except the jealousy entertained by the Order, of one 
who had withdrawn from their communion, and boldly 
undertaken an independent part in the exploration and 
development of a country which they had appropriated as 
their own peculiar field of labor. 

There also existed no little jealousy between the Jesuits 
and the Sulpicians, which undoubtedly had its influence in 
preventing the success of any enterprise in which the latter 
were engaged. 

The time chosen by La Salle and his companions was 
deemed favorable for their visit to the Senecas, the French 
and Iroquois being now at peace, and the Jesuits estab- 



TO IHE BE NEC AS. 



201 



lished in fixed missions, in all the Cantons of the Five 
Nations, as before stated. 

These preliminary remarks, embracing a few personal 
sketches of the leaders of the expedition, and character- 
istics of the Indians they encountered, some notices of 
the country into which they so boldly entered, and of the 
missions which had already been established, are deemed 
pertinent, as an introduction to the Journal of Galinee. 

In the translation which follows, I have adhered as 
closely to the original as the obscure and antiquated 
French in which it is written would admit. 



Extract from the Journal of Galinee. 

After thirty-five days of very difficult navigation, we 
arrived at a small river called by the Indians " Karonta- 
gouat," ^ which is the nearest point on the lake to " Son- 
nontouan," and about one hundred leagues south-west of 
Montreal. I took the latitude of this place on the 26th 
of August, 1669, with my Jacobstafi:^ As I had a very 
fine horizon on the north, no land, but the open lake, 
being visible in that direction, I took the altitude on that 
side as being the least liable to error. 

^ The Mohawk name for Irondequoit Bay. 

^A Jacobstaff was a rude graduated instrument with movable 
indexes, used before the invention of the quadraut by Hadley. 
26 



202 VISIT OF BE LA SALLE 

I found the sun to be distant 33° from the zenith, to 
which I added 10° 12' for its north declination on that 
day. The equinoctial was found to be distant from the 
zenith, and consequently the Arctic Pole elevated above 
the horizon at this place, 43° 12', which is its true latitude, 
and agrees quite well with the latitude which I found in 
estimating the points of compass we had run over, agree- 
ably to the usage of sailors, who are never without knowl- 
edge of their position, although destitute of an instrument 
with which to take an observation. 

We had no sooner arrived in this place than we were 
visited by a number of Indians, who came to make us 
small presents of Indian corn, pumpkins, blackberries and 
whortleberries, fruits of which they had an abundance. 
We made presents in return, of knives, awls, needles, 
glass beads and other articles which they prize, and with 
which we were well provided. 

Oar guides urged us to remain in this place until the 
next day, as the chiefs would not fail to come in the 
evening with provisions to escort us to the village. 

In fact night had no sooner come, than a large troop of 
Indians, with a number of women loaded with provisions, 
arrived and encamped near by, and made for us bread of 
Indian corn and fruits.^ They did not desire to speak to 
us in regular council, but told us we were expected in the 
village, to every cabin of which word had been sent, to 



^ The Indians dry fruit in the sun and put it in their bread, cook- 
ing it in the ashes. Sagard voyage, p, 327. 



TO THE SENEGAS. 203 

gather all the old men at a council which would be held 
for the purpose of ascertaining the object of our visit. 

M. DoUier, M. de La Salle and myself, consulted to- 
gether, in order to determine in what manner we should 
act, what we should offer for presents, and how we should 
give them. It was agreed that I should go to the village 
with M. de La Salle, for the purpose of obtaining a captive 
taken from the nation which we desired to visit, who could 
conduct us thither, and that we should take with us eight 
of our Frenchmen, the rest to remain with M. DoUier in 
charge of the canoes. This plan was carried out, and the 
next day, August 12th, had no sooner dawned, than we 
were notified by the Indians that it was time to set out. 
We started with ten Frenchmen and forty or fifty Indians, 
who compelled us to rest every league, fearing we would 
be too much fatigued. 

About half way we found another company of Indians 
who had come to meet us. They made us presents of 
provisions and accompanied us to the village. 

When we were within about a league of the latter, the 
halts were more frequent, and our company increased 
more and more, until we finally came in sight of the great 
village, which is in a large plain, about two leagues in cir- 
cumference. In order to reach it we had to ascend a small 
hill,^ on the edig^i of which the village is situated. 

As soon as we had mounted the hill, we saw a large 
company of old men seated on the grass, waiting for us. 



Now Boughton Hill. 



204 VISIT OF DE LA SALLE 

They had left a convenient place in front, in which they 
invited us to sit down. 

This we did, and at the same time an old man, nearly 
blind, and so infirm that he could hardly support himself, 
arose, and in a very animated tone, delivered a speech, in 
which he declared his joy at our arrival, that we must 
consider the Senecas as our brothers, that they would re- 
gard us as theirs, and in that relation they invited us to 
enter their village, where they had prepared a cabin for 
us until we were ready to disclose our purpose. We 
thanked them for their civilities, and told them through 
our interpreter, that we would, on the next day, declare 
to them the object of our expedition. This done, an 
Indian, who officiated as master of ceremonies, came to 
conduct us to our lodgings. 

We followed him, and he led us to the largest cabin of 
the village, which they had prepared for our residence, 
giving orders to the women belonging to it not to let us 
want for anything. In truth they were at all times very 
faithful during our sojourn, in preparing our food and in 
bringing the wood necessary to afford us light at night. 

This village, like all those of the Indians, is nothing but 
a collection of cabins, surrounded with palisades twelve or 
thirteen feet high, bound together at the top, and sup- 
ported at the base, behind the palisades, by large masses 
of wood of the height of a man. The curtains are not 
otherwise tianked, but form a simple enclosure, perfectly 
square, so that these forts are not any protection. Besides 
this, the precaution is seldom taken to place them on the 



TO THE SENEGAS. 206 

bank of a stream, or near a spring, but on some hill, where, 
ordinarily, they are quite distant from water. 

On the evening of the 12th we saw all the chiefs of the 
other villages arrive, so as to be in readiness for the 
council which was to be held the next day. 

The Seneca Nation is the most populous of all the 
Iroquois. It comprises four villages, of which two em- 
brace about 100 cabins each, and the other two about 30 
each, containing in all perhaps 1,000 or 1,200 men, 
capable of bearing arms. The two larger are about six 
or seven leagues apart, and each six or seven leagues from 
the shore of the lake.^ The land between the lake and 
the easternmost of the larger villages to which I went, 
consists for the most part of fine large meadows, in which 
the grass is as tall as myself, and in places where there 
are woods, the oaks predominate. They are so scattered 
that one can easily ride among them on horseback. We 
were told that this open country extends towards the east 
more than one hundred leagues, and towards the west and 
south to an unknown distance, especially towards the south, 
where prairies are found without a tree for upwards of 
one hundred leagues. The Indians who have visited those 
localities say they produce very good fruit and Indian corn 
extremely fine. 

At length, the 13th of August having arrived, the 
Indians assembled in our cabin, to the number of fifty or 
sixty of the principal men of the Nation. Their custom 
on entering is to appropriate the most convenient places 



^ See page 196, note 1. 



206 VISIT OF DE LA SALLE 

which they find vacant, without reference to rank, and 
immediately to take some fire to light their pipes,^ which 
never leave their mouths during the entire sitting of the 
council. They say that good thoughts are produced by 
smoking. 

When the assembly had become sufficiently numerous, 
we began to speak of business, and it was then M. de 
La Salle confessed he was unable to make himself under- 
stood. On the other hand my interpreter said that he did 
not know enough of French to convey his meaning to us. 
So we deemed it more advisable to employ the servant of 
Father Fremin to speak in our behalf and to interpret 
what the Indians should reply, and it was so done. 

It must be stated that Father Fremin was not then at 
his post, but had gone a few days previous to Onondaga, 
to attend a meeting which was to be held there oi all the 
Jesuits scattered among the Five Nations. There was 
therefore no one but the servant of Father Fremin, who 
could serve as our interpreter.^ 

Our first present was a pistol with two barrels, worth 
sixty francs, and the message with which we accompanied 
the present, was, that we regarded them as our brothers, 
and as such were so strong in their interest, that we made 
them a present of said pistol with two barrels, so that with 
one shot they could destroy the Wolf Nation (Loups), and 



^ The Indians, while attending a council, always light their pipes 
at the fire which is kept burning while the session lasts. 

* See page 199. 



TO THE SENECA 8. 207 

with the other the Andostoues, being two nations against 
which they wage a cruel war.^ 

The second present, of six kettles, six hatchets, four 
dozen knives and five or six pounds of large glass beads, 
declared to them that we had come on the part of On- 
ontio^ (it is thus they call the Governor), to establish 
peace. 

The third and last present, of two coats, four kettles, 
six hatchets and some glass beads, declared that we had 
come on the part of Onontio, to see the people called by 
them "Toagenha,"^ living on the river Ohio, and that we 
asked from them a captive of that country, to conduct us 
thither. They considered it was necessary to think over 
our proposition, so they waited until the next day, before 
giving their answer. These people have a custom never 
to speak of any business without making some present to 
serve as a reminder of the words which they utter. 



' The Loups or Wolf Nation were the Mohegans, The Andastes 
were almost exterminated by the Iroquois in 1672. The survivors 
were adopted, chiefly by the Senecas. Relation 1667, Quebec edi- 
tion, p. 28. II Charlevoix, p. 244. 

'^ The signification of Onontio is great mountain^ being a transla- 
tion into Iroquois of the name of the second governor of Canada, 
the Chevalier Montmagny. The Indians always applied the same 
name to his successors in oflice. Jesuit Relation, 1640-1, p. 77. 

^ The name Otoagannha signifies, " a people speaking a corrupt 
Algonquin." The nation is described as living in a warm and fertile 
country, on a river, which either empties into the Gulf of Mexico or 
the Vermillion Sea. Relation, 1661-2, p. 9. This must refer to the 
Ohio, not then discovered by the French. 



208 VISIT OF DE LA SALLE 

Early the next morning, thej all came back, and the 
most distinguished chief among them presented a belt of 
wampum, to assure us that we were welcome among our 
brothers. The second present was another belt of wampum, 
to assure us that they were firmly resolved to maintain 
peace with the French, and that their nation had never 
made war upon the French, and did not desire to begin it 
in a time of peace. For the third present, they said they 
would give us a captive as we had requested, but they 
desired to wait until the young men had returned from 
trading with the Dutch, to whom they had carried all 
their captives, and then they would not fail to give us one. 
We asked them not to detain us more than eight days, 
because of the advancing season. This they promised, and 
each one withdrew to his own cabin. 

In the meantime they entertained us as well as they 
could, and rivaled each other in feasting us according to 
the custom of the country. But I assure you I was many 
times more desirous of rendering up what I had in my 
stomach, than of taking into it any thing new. The prin- 
cipal food in this village, where they rarely have fresh 
meat, is the dog, the hair of which they singe over coals. 
After having thoroughly scraped the carcass, they cut it 
in pieces and place it in a kettle. When cooked, they 
serve you with a piece weighing three or four pounds, in a 
wooden dish, which has never been cleaned with any other 
dishcloth th in the fingers of the mistress of the house, 
which have left their impress in the grease that always 
covers their vessels to the thickness of a silver crown. 



TO THE 8ENECA8. 209 

Another of their favorite dishes is Indian meal, cooked 
in water, and served in a wooden bowl, with a small por- 
tion of tournesol, nut or bear's oil.^ 

There was not a child in the village but was eager to 
bring us, sometimes stalks of Indian corn and oftentimes 
pumpkins, besides other smfiU fruits which they gather in 
the woods. 

We thus consumed the time, for eight or ten days, wait- 
ing until the party should return from their trading, to 
give us a captive. 

It was during this interval, that, in order to pass away 
the time, I went with M. de La Salle, under the escort of 
two Indians, about four leagues south of the village where 
we were staying, to see a very extraordinary spring. 
Issuing from a moderately high rock, it forms a small 
brook. The water is very clear but has a bad odor, like 
that of the mineral marshes of Paris, when the mud on 
the bottom is stirred with the foot. I applied a torch and 
the water immediately took fire and burned like brandy, 
and was not extinguished until it rained. This flame is 
among the Indians a sign of abundance or sterility accord- 
ing as it exhibits the contrary qualities. There is no 
appearance of sulpher, saltpetre or any other combustible 
material. The water has not even any taste, and I can 



^ The Jesuit Le Mercier says in the Relation for 1657, p. 33, 
Quebec edition, that the Indians extract oil from the Tournesol, by 
means of ashes, the mill, fire and water. The Tournesol referred to 
is probably the common sun-flower, which is indigenous to the 
warmer parts of North America. 
27 



210 VISIT OF BE LA HALLE 

neither offer nor imagine any better explanation, than that 
it acquires this combustible property by passing over some 
aluminous land.^ 

It was during this interval that they brought some 



' The spring above described was undoubtedly what is known in 
this region as a " burning spring," many of which abound in 
Western New York. 

Being desirous of ascertaining if one still existed in the direction 
and at the distance from the Seneca village indicated in the narrative, 
I found, on consulting a map of Ontario county, that a village named 
"Bristol Centre," was at the exact point. On addressing a note of 
inquiry to a gentlemen residing there, he answered as follows: 

" There are in this town burning springs, in a direct line south of 
Boughton Hill, located in the south side of a small brook which 
empties through a ravine into the west side of Mud creek. The 
springs are on a level with the bed of the brook. The banks oppo- 
site the springs are from 18 to 20 feethigh^ perpendicular and rocky. 
The gas emits a peculiar odor. By applying a match the water 
appears to burn, and is not easily extinguished, except by a high 
wind or heavy rain." 

It will be noticed that the two descriptions, Avritten nearly 200 
years apart, correspond in a striking manner. The same phenomena, 
that excited the wonder of La Salle and his companions, are still in 
operation, living witnesses of the truth of the Sulpician's narrative. 

In the instructions given by the Earl of Bellomont to Col. Romer, 
to visit the Seneca country in September, IVOO, he directs him " to 
go and view a well or spring which is eight miles beyond the Seneca# 
furthest castle, which they have told me blazes up in a flame when 
a light coal or firebrand is put into it. You will do well to taste the 
said water and give me your opinion thereof, and bring with you 
some of it." N. Y. Col. Doc, Vol. IV, p. 750. 



TO THE SENEGAS. 211 

brandy from the Dutch to the village, on which many 
savages became drunk.-^ 

Many times the relations of the person who had been 
killed at Montreal a few days before we left there, threat- 
ened, in their intoxication, to break our heads or dispatch 
us with their knives, so as to be able to say afterwards, 
that they committed the base act, when not in their senses. 
They are not in the habit of mourning for those who are 
killed in this manner, for fear of giving uneasiness to the 
living, by reminding him of his offence. In the mean time 
we kept so well on our guard, that we escaped all injury. 

During this interval I saw the saddest spectacle I had 
ever witnessed. I was informed one evening, that some 
warriors had arrived with a prisoner, and had placed him 
in a cabin near our own. T went to see him, and found 
him seated with three women, who vied with each other 
in bewailing the death of a relative who had been killed 
in the skirmish in which the prisoner had been captured. 

He was a young man 18 or 20 years old, very well 
formed, whom they had clothed from head to foot since 



^ Father Bruyas, then located at Oneida, in writing under date of 
August 16 th, 1669, from that village, as narrated in the cotemporary 
Jesuit Relation, says: "The Indians have returned this day from 
their traffic with sixty barrels of brandy, brought from New 
Holland." (Albany.) Jesuit Relation, 16V0, p. 45 ; Canadian 
edition. 

Thus the two Fathers, Bruyas and Galinee, of two rival religious 
orders, and by independent testimony, that of one having never 
before been published, verify the truth of each others statements. 
See Relation, 1670-1, p. 79. 



212 VISIT OF BE LA SALLE 

his arrival. They had inflicted no injury upon him since 
his capture. They had not even saluted him with blows, 
as is their custom with prisoners on their entering a village. 
I thought, therefore, that I would have an opportunity to 
demand him for our guide, as they said he was one of the 
Tougenhas.^ I then went to find M. de La Salle for that 
purpose, who told me that the Senecas were men of their 
word, that since they had promised us a captive, they 
would give us one, that it mattered little whether it was 
this one or another, and it was useless to press them. T 
therefore gave myself no further trouble about it. Night 
came on and we retired. 

The next day had no sooner dawned, than a large com- 
pany entered our cabin, to tell us that the captive was 
about to be burned, and that he had asked to see the 
"inistigouch."^ I ran to the public place to see him, and 
found he was already on the scaffold, where they had 
bound him hand and foot to a stake. 

I was surprised to hear him utter some Algonquin words 
which I knew, although, from the manner in which he 
pronounced them, they were hardly recognizable. He 
made me comprehend at last, that he desired his execution 
should be postponed until the next day. If he had spoken 

^ The Tougenhas were probably identical with the Shawnees who 
lived on the Ohio, adjacent to the Miami and Scioto rivers. 

' The Algonquin name for Frenchman, III Pouchot, p. 364. The 
meaning of the name is " builders of wooden canoes," alluding to 
the ships in which the French first appeared to the Indians. Rela- 
tion, 1633, p. 42. Sagard voyage, p. 97. 



TO THE SENEGAS. 213 

good Algonquin^ I would have understood him, but his 
language differed from the Algonquin still more than that 
of the Ottawas, so I understood but very little. I con- 
versed with the Iroquois through our Dutch interpreter, 
who told me that the captive had been given to an old 
woman, in place of her son who had been killed, that she 
could not bear to see him live, that all the family took 
such a deep interest in his suffering, that they would not 
postpone his torture. The irons were already in the fire 
to torment the poor wretch. 

On my part, I told our interpreter to demand him in 
place of the captive they had promised, and I would make 
a present to the old woman to whom he belonged, but he 
was not at any time willing to make the proposition, 
alleging that such was not their custom, and the affair was 
of too serious a nature. 

I even used threats to induce him to say what I de- 
sired, but in vain, for he was obstinate as a Dutchman, and 
ran away to avoid me. 

I then remained alone near the poor sufferer, who saw 
before him the instruments of his torture. I endeavored 
to make him understand that he could have no recourse 
but to God, and that he should pray to him thus : 

"Thou who hast made all things, have pity on me. I 
am sorry not to have obeyed Thee, but if I should live, I 
will obey Thee in all things." 

He understood me better than I expected, because all 
the people who are neighbors to the Outaouacs, understand 



214 VISIT OF I)E LA SALLE 

Algonquin. I did not consider that I ought to baptise 
him, not only because I could not understand him well 
enough to know his state of mind, but for the reason that 
the Iroquois urged me to leave him, that they might begin 
their tragedy. 

Besides, I believed that the act of contrition which I had 
caused him to exhibit, would save him. Had I foreseen 
this event, on the preceding evening, I would certainly 
have baptised him, for I would have had, during the night, 
time to instruct him. So I could do nothing but exhort 
him to endure patiently, and to carry up his sufferings to 
God, in saying to him often, " Thou who hast made all 
things, have pity on me." This he repeated with his eyes 
raised toward heaven. In the meantime I saw the prin- 
cipal relative of the deceased, approach him with a gun 
barrel, half of which was heated red hot. This obliged me 
to withdraw. Some began to disapprove of my encourag- 
ing him, inasmuch as it is a bad sign among them for a 
prisoner to endure the torture patiently. I retired there- 
fore with sorrow, and had scarcely turned away, when the 
barbarous Iroquois applied the red hot gun-barrel to the 
top of his feet, which caused the poor wretch to utter a 
loud cry. This turned me about, and I saw the Iroquois, 
with a grave and sober countenance, apply the iron slowly 
along his feet and legs, and some old men who were 
smoking around the scaffold, and all the young people, 
leaped with joy, to witness the contortions which the sever- 
ity of the heat caused in the poor sufferer. 

While these events were transpiring, I retired to the 



TO THE SENEGAS. 215 

cabin where we lodged, full of sorrow at being unable to 
save the poor captive, and it was then that I realized, 
more than ever, the importance of not venturing too far 
among the people of this country, without knowing their 
language, or being certain of obtaining an interpreter. I 
can affirm, that the lack of an interpreter under our own 
control, prevented the entire success of our expedition. 

As I was in our cabin, praying to God, and very sad, 
M. de La Salle came and told me he was apprehensive 
that, in the excitement he saw prevailing in the village, 
they would insult us — that many would become intoxi- 
cated that day, and he had finally resolved to return to 
the place where we had left the canoes, and the rest of our 
people. I told him I was ready to follow, for I had diffi- 
culty, while remaining with him there, in banishing from 
my mind that sad spectacle. We told the seven or eight 
of our people who were there with us, to withdraw for the 
day to a small village half a league from the large one, 
where we were,^ for fear of some insult, and M. de La Salle 
and myself went to find M. Dollier, six leagues from the 
village. 

There were some of our people barbarous enough to be 
willing to witness, from beginning to end, the torture of 
the poor Toagenha, and who reported to us the next day, 
that his entire body had been burned with hot irons for 



* This was a small fortified village, a mile and a half west of 
Boughton Hill, and known as Fort Hill, among the early settlers. 
New York Hist. Coll., Vol. II. New series, p. 160. 



216 VISn OF BE LA SALLE 

the space of six hours, that there was not the least spot 
left that had not been roasted. After that they had re- 
quired him to run six courses past the place where the 
Iroquois were waiting for him armed with burning clubs, 
with which they goaded and beat him to the ground when 
he attempted to join them. Many took kettles full of 
coals and hot ashes, with which they covered him, as soon 
as, by reason of fatigue and debility, he wished to take a 
moment's repose. At length, after two hours of this bar- 
barous diversion, they knocked him down with a stone, 
and throwing themselves upon him, cut his body in pieces. 
One carried off his head, another an arm, a third some 
other member, which they put in the pot for the feast. 

Many offered some to the Frenchmen, telling them there 
was nothing better in the world to eat, but no one desired 
to try the experiment. 

In the evening all assembled in the public place, each 
with stick in hand, with which they began to beat the 
cabins on all sides, making a very loud noise, to chase 
away, they said, the soul of the deceased, which might be 
concealed in some corner to do them injury. 

Sometime after this we returned to the village, to col- 
lect among the cabins the Indian corn necessary for our 
journey, and which was brought to us by the women of 
the place, each according to her means. It had to be 
carried on the back for the six long leagues that lay be- 
tween the village and the place where we were encamped. 

During our stay at that village, we inquired particu- 
larly about the road we must take in order to reach the 



TO THE SENEGAS. 217 

Ohio river, and they all told us to go in search of it from 
Sonnontouan. That it required six days' journey by land, 
of about twelve leagues each.^ 

This induced us to believe that we could not possibly 
reach it in that way. as we would hardly be able to carry, 
for so long a journey, our necessary provisions, much less 
our baggage. But they told us at the same time, that in 
going to find it by the way of Lake Erie, in canoes, we 
would have only a three days' portage before arriving at 
that river, reaching it at a point much nearer the people 
we were seeking, than to go by Sonnontouan. 

What embarrassed us, however, more than all else was, 
that which the Indians told our Dutch interpreter. They 
said he was devoid of sense to be willing to go to the Toa- 
guenha, who were very bad people, who would search for 
our camp-fires in the evening and then come in the night 
to kill us with their arrows, with which they would riddle 
us ere we had discovered them. Besides this, we would 
run great risk along the river Ohio, of meeting the Ontas- 
tois^ who would surely break our heads. Tiiat for these 
reasons the Senecas were not willing to go with us for fear 
it would be thought they were the cause of the death of 
the French, that they had, with great reluctance, decided 
to furnish a guide, fearing that Onontio would impute our 



^ The route they proposed to take was probably up the Genesee 
river to one of its sources, crossing from thence to the head waters 
of the Allegany. 

' So spelled in the manuscript. It may refer to the Andastes. 
28 



218 VISIT OF BE LA SALLE 

death to them, and afterwards' make war upon them out 
of revenge. 

These discussions continued among them without our 
being able to understand their nature, but I was com- 
pletely astonished to see the ardor of my Dutchman abate. 
He continued to insist that the Indians where we wished 
to go were of no account, and would surely kill us. When 
I told him there was nothing to fear if we stationed a good 
sentinel, he replied, that the sentinel, being near the fire, 
could not see those who would corne at night, under cover 
of the trees and thickets. Finally it was apparent, from 
all these speeches, that he was alarmed, and in fact he did 
not discharge his duties as guide with as much zeal as 
before. In addition to all this, it was evident that the 
savages were bribed. Thus they trifled with us from day 
to day, saying that their people delayed returning from 
their trading expedition, longer than they had anticipated. 

We suffered much from this detention, because we lost 
the most favorable season for traveling, and could not hope 
to winter with any nation if we delayed much longer, — a 
contingency which M. de La Salle regarded as certain 
death, because of the difficulty of obtaining provisions in 
the woods. Nevertheless we have, thank God, experienced 
the contrary. 

We were relieved of all this difficulty, by the arrival 
from the Dutch, of an Indian who lodged in our cabin. He 
belonged to a village of one of the Five Iroquois nations, 
which is situated at the end of Lake Ontario, for the con- 
venience of hunting the deer and the bear, which are 



TO IHE SENEGAS., 219 

abundant in that vicinity. This Indian assured us that 
we would have no trouble in finding a guide, that a number 
of captives of the nations we desired to visit were there, 
and he would very cheerfully conduct us thither. 

We thought it would be well to take this course, not 
only because we would be on our way, approaching the 
place whither we desired to go, but as the village had only 
18 or 20 cabins, we flattered ourselves we could easily be- 
come its masters, and exact through fear, what would not 
be willingly accorded to us through friendship. 

It was under the influence of these hopes that we left 
the Sonnontouans. We found a river, one-eighth of a 
league broad and extremely rapid, forming the outlet or 
communication from Lake Erie to Lake Ontario. The 
depth of the river (for it is properly the St. Lawrence), is, 
at this place extraordinary, for, on sounding close by the 
shore, we found 15 or 16 fathoms of water. The outlet is 
40 leagues long, and has, from ten to twelve leagues above 
its embouchure into Lake Ontario, one of the finest cata- 
racts, or falls of water in the world, for all the Indians of 
whom I have inquired about it, say, that the river falls at 
that place from a rock higher than the tallest pines, that 
is about 200 feet. In fact we heard it from the place 
where we were, although from 10 to 12 leagues distant, 
but the fall gives such a momentum to the water, that its 
velocity prevented our ascending the current by rowing, 
except with great difficulty. At a quarter of a league 
from the outlet where we were, it grows narrower, and its 
channel is confined between two very high, steep, rocky 



220 VISIT OF BE LA SALLE 

banks, inducing the belief that the navigation would be 
very difficult quite up to the cataract. As to the river above 
the falls, the current very often sucks into this gulf, from 
a great distance, deer and stags, elk and roebucks, that 
suffer themselves to be drawn from such a point in cross- 
ing the river, that they are compelled to descend the falls, 
and to be overwhelmed in its frightful abyss.^ 

Our desire to reach the little village called Ganastogue 
Sonontoua 0-tin-a-oiia-ta-oua, prevented our going to view 
that wonder, which I consider as so much the greater in 
proportion as the river St. Lawrence is one of the largest 
in the world. I will leave you to judge if that is not a 
fine cataract in which all the water of that large river, — 
having its mouth three leagues broad,^ falls from a height 
of 200 feet, with a noise that is heard not only at the 
place where we were, 10 or 12 leagues distant, but also 
from the other side of Lake Ontario, opposite its mouth, 
where M. Trouve told me had heard it. 



^ Galinee's rlescription of the falls is probably the earliest on 
record. His at;< oimt, which is wholly derived from the Indians, is 
remarkably correct. If ihey had been visited by the Jesuits prior 
to the time of this expedition, they have failed to relate the fact or 
to describe them in their journals. The Niagai'a river is alluded to 
under the name of Ongulaahra, as the celebrated river of the 
Neutral nation, by Father L'Allemant in the Jesuit Relation for 
1640-1, p. 65, published in 1642, but he makes no mention of the 
cataract. Its first appearance is on Champlain's map of 1632. After- 
wards on Sanson's map of Canada, published in Paris in 1657. It 
was mentioned by the Indians to Cartier, when he ascended the St. 
Lawrence in 1535. Lescarbot, jT. 381, edition of 1609. 

' At the Gulf of St. Lawrence. 



TO THE SERECAS. 2^21 

We passed the river, and finally, at the end of five 
days' travel arrived at the extremity of Lake Ontario, 
where there is a fine large sandy bay, at the end of which 
is an outlet of another small lake which is there dis- 
charged.^ Into this our guide conducted us about half 
a league, to a point nearest the village, but distant from 
it some 5 or 6 leagues, and - where we unloaded our 
canoes. 

We waited here until the chiefs of the village came to 
meet us with some men to carry our eflfects. M. de La 
Salle was seized, while hunting, with a severe fever, which 
in a few days reduced him very low. 

Some said it was caused by the sight of three large 
rattlesnakes which he had encountered on his way while 
ascending a rocky eminence.^ At any rate it is certain 
that it is a very ugly spectacle, for those animals are not 
timid like other serpents, but firmly wait for a person, 
quickly assuming a defensive attitude, and coiling half 
the body, from the tail to the middle, as if it were a 
large cord, keeping the remainder entirely straight, and 
darting forward, sometimes three or four paces, all the 
time making a loud noise with the rattle which it carries 
at the end of its tail. There are many in this place as 
large as the arm, six or seven feet long and entirely 
black. It vibrates its rattle very rapidly, making a sound 
like a quantity of melon or gourd seeds shaken in a box. 



* Burlington Bay. 

' Probably the Mountain ridge. 



222 VISIT OF DE LA SALLE 

At length, after waiting three days, the chiefs and 
almost every one in the village came to meet us. We 
held a council in our cabin, where my Dutchman suc- 
ceeded better than had been done in the great village. 

We gave two presents to obtain two captives, and a 
third for carrying our effects to the village. The savages 
made us two presents. The first of 14 or 15 dressed 
deerskins, to assure us they were going to conduct us to 
their village, but as they were only a handful of people, 
incapable of resistance, they begged us not to harm 
them, nor burn them, as the French had the Mohawks. 
We assured them of our good will. They made us still 
another present of about 5,000 shell beads, and after- 
wards two captives for guides/ One of them belonged 
to the Chouanons^ nation, and the other to the Nez 
Percez. I have since thought that the latter was from 
a nation near the Poutouatamites.^ They were both 
excellent hunters, and seemed to be well disposed. 

The Chouanon fell to M. de La Salle, and the other to 
us. They also told us they would aid the next day in 
carrying our effects to the village, so that we might go 
from thence to the banks of a river, on which we could 
embark for Lake Erie. 



^ Shawnees. They were nearly exterminated by the Iroquois 
three years after. II. Charlevoix, p. 244. 

* Pottawatamies. * 



TO THE SENEGAS. 223 

I have thus far followed the narrative of Galinee, in a 
literal translation from the French manuscript. Before 
closing, I .will give a brief sketch of the subsequent 
events which attended the expedition. 

On leaving Burlington Bay they ascended the Moun- 
tain ridge, which, crossing the Niagara at Lewiston, 
sweeps round the western end of Lake Ontario. This 
must have been near and north of the present site of 
Hamilton. Aided by the Algonquins, who carried their 
eflects, they proceeded to the village of Otinaouataoua, 
situated between the head of the Bay and the Grand river, 
reaching the former on the 22d day of September. The 
Indians urged them strongly to stay at that point for mis- 
sionary work, but their desire for further discoveries im- 
pelled them forward. 

Here it was they met Joliet,^ returning from a fruitless 
expedition, on which he had been sent by M. de Cour- 
celles, in search of the copper mines of Lake Superior, and 
who imparted valuable geographical information to Galinee 



^ Joliet had left Montreal before the Sulpicians and La Salle, with 
four canoes and some merchandise for the Ottawas. Besides search- 
ing for copper mines, he had been instructed to find a more feasible 
route than the one then in use, for the transportation of the copper 
to Montreal. He was unsuccessful in his search for the mines, but 
having met with an Iroquois who had been taken prisoner by the 
Ottawas, the captive informed him of the shorter route by the way 
of the Grand river and Lake Ontario, and it was while testing its 
feasibility, that he met La Salle and the Sulpicians. 

The copper mines were first made known by the Jesuits as early 
as 1659. Relation, 1659-60, p. 44. 



224 VI8IT OF BE LA SALLE 

for the construction of his chart, and for his course through 
the Lakes. 

The missionaries, having separated from La Salle, left 
Otinaouataoua on the first of October with their retinue, 
accomplished the remainder of the portage to the Grand 
river, and descended its difficult and tortuous channel, now 
swollen with autumnal rains. In 14 days they reached 
its mouth and encamped on the northern shore of Lake 
Erie, which they describe as " a vast sea, tossed by tem- 
pestuous winds." 

At the end of three days they built a cabin for their 
shelter, at or near the mouth of the river. Here they em- 
ployed their time in hunting the game which abounded in 
the neighborhood, and in drying the flesh of two of the 
larger animals, which they had secured for subsistence on 
their journey. To these were added seventy bushels of 
nuts of various kinds, which they had gathered in the 
woods, and apples, plums, grapes and hackberries^ in great 



^ The Haekberry is undoubtedly the celtis occidentalism or Nettle 
tree, a native of New England and of the Southern states. There 
is a region in Canada, lying north of Lake Erie, which has a climate 
and soil favorable for the growth of more southern plants, and in 
which many of them abound. This would be congenial to the 
Nettle tree. Gray says it is of medium size, bears a sweet, edible 
fruit as large as bird cherries, and ripens in autumn. 

The Jesuits speak of apples shaped like a goose agg^ with seeds as 
large as beans, brought from the country of the Eries, having a 
peculiar odor and delicate flavor. Relation, 1657, p. 33, Quebec 
edition. 



TO THE SENEGAS, 225 

quantity. The vine is described as growing spontaneously 
along the sandy border of the lake, producing grapes as 
large and palatable as the finest in the north of France. 
The expressed juice of the fruit served them all winter for 
the celebration of Holy Mass. Here they spent fifteen 
days, waiting in vain for the abatement of the violent 
winds which prevailed on the lake at that season. Winter 
being near at hand, it was deemed too hazardous to trust 
their frail bark gondolas on the treacherous lake, and they 
decided to encamp in the neighboring woods for the winter. 

They selected a commodious spot about a mile farther 
inland, at the mouth of a small branch of the Grand river. 
Here they rebuilt their cabin, so as to afford them shelter 
from the weather, and protection against an enemy. In 
one end of the building they raised the first altar dedicated 
to Christian worship on the banks of Lake Erie.^ 

Fortunately they found the winter much milder than 
they had experienced during their residence at Montreal. 

Six months had nearly passed away before they were 
ready to proceed on their expedition. 



' The Franciscan Father Daillon passed the winter of 1626-7 
among the Neuter Nation, whicli resided on both sides of the 
Niagara and north of Lake Erie, and he may have celebrated mass 
on the shore of the lake. So also . the Jesuits Brebeuf and Chau- 
raonot, who visited the same nation in 1640, may have performed the 
same rite in that locality, but no record has been left of the fact. 

-The first mass celebrated in Canada was at Quebec, by the Fran- 
ciscan D'Olbeau, on the 25th of June, 1615. I. Le Clercq, etablisse- 
ment de la Foi, p. 60. 
29 



226 VISIT OF BE LA SALLE 

On the 23d of March, 1670, they erected a cross, as a 
memorial of their winter home, to which they affixed the 
arms of Louis XIV"., and took formal possession of the 
country in the name of that king. Three days thereafter 
they resumed their voyage toward the west, and arriving 
at the eastern side of Long Point, drew up their canoes on 
the beach, and encamped near the shore. Overcome with 
fatigue they were soon buried in sleep. Not anticipating 
any disaster, they carelessly left some of their effects quite 
near the water, A violent north-east gale arose in the 
night, disturbing the lake to such an extent, that the 
water rose to the height of six feet, and bore away the 
contents of one of their canoes. Fortunately they were 
aroused in season to secure the remainder. Their powder 
and lead were lost, and more than all, their holy chapel, 
without which the Eucharist could not be celebrated. 

Discouraged by these misfortunes, they abandoned the 
further prosecution of the enterprise, and returned home 
by the circuitous route of the Sault de Ste Marie and 
Ottawa river, reaching Montreal on the 18th of the follow- 
ing June. 

It now remains to notice briefly the further movements 
of La Salle. After reaching Otinaouatuaoua, he declined 
all further connection with the Sulpicians, under the pre- 
text that the condition of his health would not warrant a 
winter encampment in the woods. 

On the 30th day of September, the eve of their separa- 
tion, the whole party united in celebrating their last Mass 
together, and the next day the two missionaries, accom- 



TO THE SENEGAS. 227 

panied by Joliet, left for the west as before related. La 
Salle set his face eastward, ostensibly for Montreal, but 
really, as is supposed, with the intention of making further 
efforts to reach the Ohio and the Mississippi tiiroiigh the 
Iroquois country. Unfortunately the joui-nals which he 
kept, and the charts which he drew, have, it is feared, 
been irrevocably lost. The most diligent search among 
the papers of his famil^^ and elsewhere, have failed as yQi 
to discover the slightest trace of the valuable documents. 

If M. Margry's manuscripts, when pubhshed, do not 
settle all the questions that have arisen in regard to the 
discoveries of La Salle, they will at least shed new light 
and lustre upon the career, and fill some of the blanks 
which exist in the history of that remarkable and intrepid 
explorer. 

They will give us fuller details of his first expedition to 
the Ohio, in which he is said to have visited the falls at 
Louisville, and from whence, being deserted by his com- 
panions, he returned alone to Montreal, after 1,200 miles 
of foot and canoe travel, subsisting on the game and herbs 
he found in the woods, or received from the friendly 
Indians he met on the way. 

They may afford us satisfactory proof of his discovery 
of the Mississippi in 1671 and 1672, before it was visited 
by Marquette and Joliet, when, it is claimed, he descended 
the Illinois to its confluence with the Mississippi, and down 
the latter to the 36th degree of N. latitude.^ 



^ Margry in Revue Maritime for 1872, p. 565, 



22 S VISIT OF BE LA SALLE 

They will give us details of his visit to France in 1674, 
when he received a Patent of Nobility ; of his return to 
Canada the following year ; of his contentions with the 
Jesuits; and of his voyage to France in 1678, when he 
received new supplies for his American enterprises, and a 
Royal Grant from the king. 

They will give us a more satisfactory account of his ex- 
pedition to the west in 1678-9, in which he built a bark 
on Lake Ontario, and the Griffon on the Niagara ; of his 
voyage in the latter to Green Bay ; his coasting by canoe 
along the western shore of Lake Michigan to the river 
St. Joseph; his portage from the latter to the sources of the 
Illinois, and descent to the foot of Lake Peoria, and of his 
long and wearisome return by way of the river St. Joseph, 
and across the Michigan peninsula to the Huron river. 
How he descended the latter in an elm bark canoe of his own 
construction, to the Detroit river, crossing which he found 
his way by land to Point Pelee, from whence, in another 
canoe, he coasted along Lake Erie and the Niagara as far as 
the dock on which he had built the Griffon, and where he 
first beard tidings of its loss, and of the wreck of another 
ship in the mouth of the St. Lawrence, freighted with goods 
destined for his use. How, weary and foot-sore, bronzed 
by sun and weather, but not disheartened, he reached 
Montreal after 65 days and 1000 miles of incessant travel 
by land, lake, and river. How several of his canoes, richly 
laden with furs, were lost in the rapids of the St. Lawrence, 
just in sight of their destination. How the news soon 
followed of the destruction of his forts at St. Joseph and 



TO THE SEJSTEGAS. 229 

Crevecoeur, and the desertion of his men. How his credit- 
ors received the intelligence of his disasters and seized his 
effects. 

They will give us the details of his expedition in 1680, 
in which he penetrated the west by the way of Lake 
Ontario, leaving which a little west of Toronto, he ascended 
the river Humber, and passing through Lakes Simcoe, 
Huron and Michigan, reached his deserted forts in the 
Illinois country, where he passed the winter, and returned 
to Fort Frontenac in the spring of 1681. 

We shall undoubtedly have full accounts of the expe- 
dition which he made in the following summer, when he 
accomplished his famous descent of the Mississippi to its 
mouth, the first on record, and took possession of the 
country in the name of the King, after whom he called it 
" Louisiana." 

How he returned to Quebec in 1683, and left for France 
in 1684, where he defeated the machinations of his enemies 
at the Court of Louis XIV., and, under his patronage, or- 
ganized an expedition of four ships, in which he sailed for 
the mouth of the Mississippi, reaching Matagordas Bay in 
February, 1685. 

How, overwhelmed by the loss of those ships, and the 
treachery of their captain, but, with a courage and self- 
reliance superior to every adversity, and an energy and 
resolution that never faltered, he set out in January, 1687, 
with twenty companions, on a long, perilous journey to 
Lake Michigan in search of succor for the little colony he 



230 VISIT OF DE LA SALLE 

had left on the shores of the Mexican Gulf, — a mission he 
was not permitted to accomplish. 

De Soto, after traversing with his mailed warriors our 
southern country, from Florida to the Mississippi, found 
his grave in the bed of the mighty river he had discovered. 
Marquette, the next in the order of explorers, was overtaken 
by death while returning homeward through Lake Michi- 
gan, and buried where he died, on the eastern shore of 
that lake, at the mouth of the river which perpetuates his 
name. 

La Salle, less fortunate in being denied a natural death, 
also closed his career in the land he was engaged in ex- 
ploring. Arrested on his errand of mercy by the hand of 
an assassin, he fell by treachery in 1687, on a branch of 
the Trinity river in Texas, where his unburied remains 
were left a prey to the savage beasts of the wilderness. 

The American people, who entered upon and developed 
the inheritance he left as the fruit of his bold and saga- 
cious enterprises, have built no monument to his memory. 
Here and there an insignificant locality bears his name, 
and one of the four historical panels in the rotunda of the 
Capitol at Washington is occupied by his portrait, in prox- 
imity to those of Columbus, Raleigh and Cabot. 

An authentic and detailed account of his discoveries 
and explorations, illustrated with maps and portraits com- 
piled from original sources under the supervision of one 
who has devoted a life-time to the subject, and published 



TO THE SENEGAS. 231 

to the world under the auspices of the American Congress, 
will constitute a memorial more enduring and appropriate 
than the most imposing structure of bronze or marble. 



APPENDIX. 

The Origin of the name Seneca. 

How this name originated, is a vexata qumstio among Indo-anti- 
quarians and etymologists. The least plausible supposition is, that 
the name has any reference to the moralist Seneca. 

Some have supposed it to be a corruption of the Dutch term for 
Vermillion, cinebar or cinnabar, under the assumption that the 
Senecas, being the most warlike of the Five Nations, used that pig- 
ment more than the others, and thus gave origin to the name.^ 

This hypothesis is supported by no authority. The use of war 
paint, common to every Indian nation, was not so exclusively prac- 
ticed by the Senecas, as to be likely to give origin to their national 
name. Besides, Vermillion is the red sulphuret of mercury, and 
was hardly procurable by the Indians in 1616, when the name was 
first used. They undoubtedly made use of some vegetable dye at 
that early day. 

The name " Sennecas,^'' first appears on a Dutch map of 1616, and 
again on Jean de Laets' map of 1633. Inasmuch as it comes to us 
through a Dutch medium, it is claimed by some that it is derived 
from the Algonquins, with whom the Dutch had their first inter- 
course. The map of 1616 above referred to, was compiled from the 
report of one Kleynties, based on a previous exploration of the 
Iroquois country. On this map it is written " Sennecas." A copy 



Cornplanter Memorial, p. 24. 



232 VISIT OF BE LA SALLE 

may be found in the first volume of the N. Y, Col. Doc, p. 10. 
The tribe is placed on the map in the territory of the Iroquois, and 
apparently near Oneida Lake, but in a note inscribed on the map, 
the author says, '" the Sennecas ought to be placed farther west 
into the country." 

The question arises from whom did Kleynties obtain the name ? 
The MS. note above mentioned, says that he and his companion 
went on an expedition from the Mohaiok country into the interior. 
They must have had a Mohawk, rather than an Algonquin guide, as 
the latter nation was always at enmity with the Iroquois. This 
renders it possible that the name Seneca was obtained through the 
lips of the Mohawk, and that in writing it " Sennecas,''' Kleynties at- 
tempted to give the name as it sounded to his ears when spoken by 
the Mohawk. 

It is claimed by some that the word may be derived from " Siyi- 
nehox,^^ the Algonquin name of a tribe of Indians spoken of in 
Wassenaer's History of Europe, on the authority of Pietor Barentz, 
who traded with them about the year 1626. Their residence is not 
stated, and it is by no means certain that they are identical with the 
Senecas. Doc, Hist. N. Y., Vol. Ill, p. 29. As the Senecas are 
located by De Laets' map on the south side of Oneida Lake, Mr. 
Trumbull thinks that the name was bestowed by the Algonquins on 
the Oneidas, from the fact that a^sene, hi Algonquin, signifies " a 
stone," and ga or ke, " place of," being an Algonquin translation of 
the Iroquois name of Oneida, into Assi?iauke, or " place of the stone." 
He thinks that when geographical divisions of the Iroquois became 
better known, the Senecas were assigned their true position further 
west, still retaining, in the nomenclature of the geogi-aphers, the 
name which belonged to the Oneidas. The opinion of so eminent 
an authority as Mr. Trumbull is certainly worthy of consideration. 
It would however, be a more natural and satisfactory solution of the 
question, if their national name could be derived from the Sen'ecas 
themselves. Without assuming to solve the mystery, the writer will 
content himself with giving some data which may possibly aid others 
in arriving at a reliable conclusion. 



TO THE SENEGAS. 233 

The French, iu their pioneer explorations of Canada, derived their 
knowledge of the Senecas through the Franciscan and Jesuit Mis- 
sionaries. Those holy Fathers first heard of them through the 
Hurons, among whom they established at a very early day the mis- 
sions of their respective Orders. The Hurons called them Sonon- 
toiierhonons, that is, ^^ people of Sonnontouan^^'' the termination 
rhonons or ronons signifying "people."^ 

Their name first occurs in the Jesuit Relation for 1635, and is 
there written by Brebeuf, Sonontoenhonons. Relation, 1635, p. 33. 

Le Mercier spells it Sonontouanhrronon. Relation, 1637, p. 111. 

Le Jeune mentions the Sonontouehronons. Relation, 1640, p. 35. 

They are subsequently called Tsonnontouans. Relation, 1670, p. 
69, and Tshonnontouans. Le Clercq Etablissement de la Foi, Vol. 
II, p. 187. 

The Hurons and Senecas spoke a kindred language, and the word 
Sonnontouan is the same in both dialects. It signifies " great hill," 
and in the Seneca is compounded of onondah, hill, and go waah^ 
great. The Senecas, in forming a compound word, usually drop all 
which follow the initial consonant of the last syllable of the noun, 
and the initial consonant of the adjective, and then suffix the latter 
to the former. Thus the compound of the above becomes Onondo- 
loaah, or great hill, written Sonnontouan by the Jesuits.^ The letter 
S when prefixed conveys the idea of possession^ and in some cases 
Ts is substituted to represent a lisping soxmd of the S, which was 
formerly quite common among the Senecas, and is still occasionally 
heard. 

To this word, Onondowaah or great hill, the suffix gaah was 
added, to denote the Seneca people. By di-opping the neuter prefix 



' Relation, 1635, p. 33, and 1654, p. 18.. See Relation for 1670, p. 69, where it 
is -written Tsonnontouan. 

" Alluding to their residence on Boughton Hill where their principal villao-e 
was located. See page 10. 
30 



234 VISIT OF BE LA SALLE 

O, the national title became JSfan-do-wah-gaah or " The Great Hill 
people,'''' as now used by the Senecas. 

Sometimes the suffix o-noh is substituted for gaah, which would 
make Ran-do-wa-o-noh, having however the same meaning. Mor- 
gan's League, p. 51. The termination o-woA signifying "^inhabit- 
ants," is nearly identical with the ronons or rhonons of the Hurons, 
and has the same signification. 

The Mohawks use the terminations'" ro;2?io?z and haga, Avhich cor- 
respond with the similar words used by the Senecas. Bruyas' Dic- 
tionary, p. 18. 

In the vocabulary of the Huron or Wyandot language, as given 
by Mr. Gallatin, Coll. Am. Ant. Society, Vol. II, pp. 334 and 348, 
the Huron word for hill is given as onontah, and for great, ouen. 
If compounded, they would form Onontaouen or great hill, which 
is only a dialectical variation from the Seneca JSFan-do-wah, and em- 
braces such a resemblance as we would expect from the common 
origin of the two nations. 

In pronouncing the Indian names written by the Jesuits, the 
French vowel and nasal sounds must be regarded. The French, 
having no " ^c," express its sound by the combination " ou" In 
writing Indian words the letters d and t are often used interchange- 
ably. 

If the name Seneca can legitimately be derived from the Seneca 
word Nan-do-wah-gaah as above given, it can only be done by pre- 
fixing Son, as was the custom of the Jesuits, and dropping all un- 
necessary letters. It would then form the word Son-non-do-wa-ga, 
the first two and last syllableof which, if the French sounds of the 
letters are given, are almost identical in pronunciation with Seneca. 
The chief difficulty, however, would be in the disposal of the two 
superfluous syllables. They maj'^ have been dropped in the process 
of contraction so common in the composition of Indian words — a 
result which would be quite likely to occur to a Seneca name, in its 
transmission through two other languages, the Mohawk and the 
Dutch. 



TO THE SENEGAS. 



236 



The foregoing queries and suggestions are thrown out for what 
they are worth, in the absence of any more reliable theory. It is 
to be hoped that a happy solution of the vexed question may yet be 
reached by some investigator having the necessary facilities and 
qualifications. 








^m^i^^^m^s^^m 





DE CELORON'S EXPEDITION TO THE OHIO 

IN 1749. 

HE extensive territory lying between the Ohio 
river and Lake Erie has been the theatre of 
many remarkable historical changes. Its 
earliest inhabitants left no record of their 
origin or history, save in the numerous tumuli which are 
scattered over its surfixce, bearing trees of the largest 
growth, not distinguishable from the adjacent forest. 
Measured by the extent and character of those vast struct- 
ures, the race that built them must have been intelligent 
and populous. When and how they disappeared, we know 
not. Whether they were directly succeeded by the present 
race of Indians, or by an intermediate people, are questions 
to which history gives no answer. When La Salle dis- 
covered the Ohio he found it in the occupation of the red 
man, who claimed possession and ownership over the terri- 
tory comprised within the limits of Western Pennsylvania, 
Ohio and Indiana, until the close of the last century. His 
villages were on every stream, and his hunting grounds 
embraced every hill and valley. 

The attractions of the fur trade stimulated eastern ad- 
venturers to penetrate, from time to time, the forest recesses 



238 I>^ GEL OR ON'S EXPEDITION- 

of the West, and glowing descriptions were reported of the 
fertile soil, mineral wealth and the abundance of the fur- 
bearing animals. It was not until England and France, 
the two great rival powers of Europe, became impressed 
with the prospective growth and value of the territory, and 
each prepared to grasp the coveted prize, that the native 
owners of the soil began to take serious alarm. On the 
one side, England claimed to the northern lakes, while 
France asserted ownership not only as far south as the 
Ohio, but over all the lands drained by its extensive tribu- 
taries. 

The treaty of Aix la Chapelle, to which both of those 
powers were parties, while it terminated a long and san- 
guinary war in Europe, left many subjects of controversy 
still unsettled. Among them were the boundaries between 
the French and English in America. At the conclusion 
of that treaty England lost no time in initiating measures 
for the occupation and colonization of the disputed terri- 
tory, and encouraged the formation of the Ohio company 
as one of the efficient means for accomplishing that pur- 
pose. Half a million of acres were granted by the Crown 
to that association, to be selected mainly on the south side 
of the Ohio, between the Monongahela and Kanawha 
rivers This was coupled with the condition that settle- 
ments, protected by suitable forts, should be established 
on the grant. The French were equally alive on the sub- 
ject, and the demonstrations of the English aroused the 
attention of the Marquis de la Gallissoniere, a man of 
eminent ability and forethought, who was then governor of 



TO THE OHIO. ' 239 

Canada. In order to counteract the designs of the English, 
he despatched Captain Bienville de Celoron/ a chevalier 
of the order of St. Louis, in command of a detachment, com- 
posed of eight subaltern officeis, six cadets, an armorer, 
twenty soldiers, one hundred and eighty Canadians, thirty 
Iroquois and twenty-five Abenakis, witlj orders to descend 
the Ohio, and take possession of the country in the name 
the King. The principal officers under him were De Con- 
trecoeur, who had been in command of Fort Niagara, and 
Coulon de Villiers, one of seven brothers, six of whom lost 
their lives in the Canadian wars. Contrecoeur was subse- 
quently in command of Fort du Quesne, at or immediately 
after the defeat of Braddock. 

The present article is designed to give an account of 
that expedition, to trace its route and to identify as far as 
possible the geographical points which it visited. Only 
brief notices of the undertaking have heretofore been given 
to the public. The discovery of some of the leaden plates, 
buried by its oiiicers on the banks of the Ohio, have from 
time to time awakened public interest and curiosity which 
the meagre accounts already published have failed to 
satisfy. While recently examining the archives of the 
Departemeiit de la Marine in Paris the writer met with the 
original manuscript journal kept by De Celoron during his 
entire voyage. He also found in the Grandes Archives of 
the Depot de la Marine, No. 17 rue de F University, a manu- 



' This name is usually spelled Celeron, but incorrectly. M. Fer- 
land, in his Cours d'Histoire du Canada, Vol. II, p. 468, calls 'him 
C61oron de Blainville. 



240 DE CELORON'S EXPEDITION 

script diary of Father Bonnecamps, who styles himself 
" Jesuitte Math^maticien," and who seems to have been 
the chaplain, as well as a kind of sailing master of the 
expedition, keeping a daily record of the courses and dis- 
tances they traveled, the latitudes and longitudes of the 
principal geographical points, with occasional brief notes 
of the most important occurrences. In another depart- 
ment, called the Biblioth^que dii depot de la Marine, there 
was found a large MS. map, 31i by 34i inches square, 
representing the country through which the expedition 
passed, including the St. Lawrence westward of Montreal, 
Lakes Erie and Ontario, the territory south of those lakes 
as far as the Ohio, and the whole course of that river from 
the source of the Alleghany to the mouth of the Great 
Miami. This map forms an important illustration of the 
expedition. On it are delineated by appropriate charac- 
ters the points where leaden plates were deposited, where 
the latitudes and longitudes were observed, and the locali- 
ties of the Indian villages visited on the route. 

The journals of De C^loron and Father Bonnecamps, and 
the map of the latter, have furnished the ground-work of 
the narrative. Explanatory and historical notes, drawn 
from other sources, have occasionally been added. 

The first of the leaden plates was brought to- the atten- 
tion of the public in a letter addressed by Governor George 
Clinton to the Lords of Trade in London, dated New York, 
Dec. 19th, 1750, in which he states that he " would send to 
their Lordships in two or three weeks a plate of lead, full 
of writing, which some of the upper nations of Indians 



TO THE OHIO. 241 

stole from Jean Coeur/ the French interpreter at Niagara, 
on his way to the river Ohio, which river, and all the 
lands thereabouts, the French claim, as will appear by 
said writing." He further states " that the lead plate gave 
the Indians so much uneasiness that they immediately 
despatched some of the Cayuga chiefs to him with it, say- 
ing that their only reliance was on him, and earnestly 
begged he would communicate the contents thereof to them, 
which he had done, much to their satisfaction and the in- 
terests of the English." The governor concludes by saying 
that " the contents of the plate may be of great importance 
in clearing up the encroachments which the French have 
made on the British Empire in America." ^ The plate was 
delivered to Colonel, afterwards Sir William Johnson, on 
the 4th of December, 1750, at his residence on 'the 
Mohawk, by a Cayuga Sachem, who accompanied it by 
the following speech : 

" Brother Corlear and War-ragh-i-ya-ghey : ^ I am sent 
here by the Five Nations with a piece of writing, which 
the Senecas, our brethren, got by some artifice from Jean 
Coeur, earnestly beseeching you will let us know what it 
means, and as we put all our confidence in you, our brother 
we hope you will explain it ingenuously to us." Colonel 
Johnson replied to the Sachem,* and through him to the 
Five Nations, returning a belt of wampum, and explaining 

* Joncaire. 

^ N. Y. Col. Doc, yi, p. 604. 

* The Indian name of Sir William Johnson. It signifies '* Super- 
intendent of Affairs." 

31 



242 BE CELORON' 8 EXPEDITION 

the inscription on the plate. He told them that " it was 
a matter of the greatest consequence, involving the pos- 
session of their lands and hunting grounds, and that Jean 
Coeur and the French ought immediately to be expelled 
from the Ohio and Niagara." In reply, the Sachem said 
that " he had heard with great attention and surprise the 
substance of the ^ Devilish writing ' he had brought," and 
that "Colonel Johnson's remarks '' were fully approved." 
He promised that belts from each of the Five Nations 
should be sent from the Senecas' Castle to the Indians at 
the Ohio, to warn and strengthen them against the French 
encroachments in that direction. 

The following is a literal copy of the inscription in ques- 
tion. It was sent by Governor Clinton to the Lords of 
Trade on the 17th of January,- 1751 : 

"L'i-N 1749 DV REGNE DB LOVIS XV RoY DE FeANCE, NoVS 

Celoron, Commandant d'vn detachment envoi^ par Monsievr 
LE Mis. de la Galissoniere, Commandant General de la Nou- 
velle France povr retabliu la tranquillit:^ dans quelques 

VILLAGES SAUVAGE8 DE CES CANTONS, AVONS EnTERR^ CETTB PLAQUE 

AU CONFLUENT DE L'OHIO ET DE TCHADAKOIN CE 29 

JVILLET, PRES DE LA RIYIERE OYO AUTREMENT BELLE RIVIERE, 
POUR MONUMENT DU RENOUYELLEMENT DE POSSESSION QUE NOUS 
AV0N8 PRIS DE LA DITTE RIVIERE OYO, ET DE TOUTES CELLES QUI Y 
TOMBENT, EI DE TOUTES LES XERRES DES DEUX COTES JYSQYE AYX 
SOURCES DES DITTES HIYlilRES AINSI QY'eN ONT JOYI OU DY JOYIR LES 
PRECEDENTS ROIS DE FrANCE, ET QU'iLS s't SONT MAINTENYS PAR 
LES ArMES ET PAR LES TRAITTES, SPECIALEMENT PAR CEYX DE RlS- 
WICK, d'VtRECHT ET d'AiX LA ChAPELLE." 

The above is certified to be " a true copy/' by " Peter 
De Joncourt, interpreter." 



TO THE OHIO. 243 



Tbatstslation. 



" In the year 1749, of the reign of Louis the 15th, King of France, 
we C61oron, commander of a detachment sent by Monsieur the Mar- 
quis de la Galissoni^re, Governor General of New France, to rees- 
tablish tranquility in some Indian villages of these cantons, have 
buried this Plate of Lead at the confluence of the Ohio and the 
Chautauqua, this 29th day of July, near the river Ohio, otherwise 
Belle Riviere, as a monument of the renewal of the possession we 
have taken of the said river Ohio, and of all those which empty into 
it, and of all the lands on both sides as far as the Boui'ces of the 
said rivers, as enjoyed or ought to have been enjoyed by the kings 
of France ))reGedit)g, and as they have there maintained themselves 
by arms and by treaties, especially those of Ryswick, Utrecht and 
Aix la Chapelle " 

On the 29tli of January, 1751, Governor Clinton sent a 
copy of the above inscription to Governor Hamilton of 
Pennsylvania, informing him that it was " taken from a 
plate stolen from Joncaire some months since in the Seneca 
country as he was going to the river Ohio." ^ 

The expedition was provided with a number of leaden 
plates, about eleven inches long, seven and a half inches 
wide and one-eighth of an inch thick, on each of which an 
inscription in French, similar to the one above given, was 
engraved or stamped in capital letters, with blanks left for 
the insertion of the names of the rivers, at the confluence 
of which with the Ohio they should be deposited, and the 
dates of their deposit. The name of the artist, Paul de 
Brosse, was engraved on the reverse of each. Thus pro- 
vided, the expedition left La Chine on the 15th of June, 



^ V. Penu. Col. Records, p. 508, 



244 BE CELORON' 8 EXPEDITION 

1749, and ascended the St. Lawrence to Fort Frontenac. 
From thence, coasting along the eastern and southern 
shore of Lake Ontario, they arrived at Fort Niagara on 
the 6th of July. They reached the portage at Lewiston 
on the 7th, and ascended the Niagara into Lake Erie. On 
the 14th, after advancing a few miles up the lake, they 
were compelled by a strong wind to encamp on the south 
shore. They embarked early on the morning of the 15th, 
hoping to reach tlsc portage of " Chatakouin " the same 
day, but an adverse wind again forced them to land. 

The southern shore of the lake at this point is described 
as " extremely shallow, with no shelter from the force of 
the winds, involving great risk of shipwreck in landing, 
which is increased by large rocks, extending more than 
three-fourths of a mile from the shore." Celoron's canoe 
struck on one, and he would inevitably have been drowned, 
with all on board, had not prompt assistance been rendered. 
On the 16th at noon they arrived at the Chatakouin port- 
age. This was an o; en roadstead, where the United States 
government many years ago attempted unsuccessfully to 
construct a safe harbor. It is now known as Barcelona or 
Portland. As soou as all preparations were made foi' the 
overland passage, and the canoes all loaded. Mm. de Vil- 
liers and le Borgue were despatched with fifty men to clear 
the way, while C6loron examined the situation of the place, 
in order to ascertain its fitness for the establishment of a 
Post. He says : '' I found it ill-adapted for such a purpose, 
as well from its position as from its relation to the naviga- 
tion of the lake. The water is so shallow that barks 



TO THE OHIO. 245 

standing in cannot approach within a league of the portage. 
There being no island or harbor to which they could resort 
for shelter, they would be under the necessity of riding at 
anchor and discharging their loading by batteaux. The 
frequency of squalls would render it a place of danger. 
Besides, there are no Indian villages in the vicinity. In 
fact, they are quite distant, none being nearer than Gan- 
aougon and Paille Coupee. In the evening Mm. de Villiers 
and le Borgue returned to lodge at the camp, having cleared 
the way for about three quarters of a league," Up to this 
time, the usual route of the French to the Mississippi had 
been by the way of Detroit, Green Bay, the Wisconsin, 
Lake Michigan and the Illinois river. They had five 
villages on the Mississippi, near the mouth of the Illinois, 
as early as 1749. 

" On the 17th," continues the Journal, " at break of day, 
we b'3gan the portage, the prosecution of which was vigor- 
ously maintained. All the canoes, provisions, munitions 
of war, and merchandise intended as presents to the Indians 
bordering on the Ohio, were carried over the three-quarters 
of a league which had been rendered passable the day pre- 
vious. The route was exceedingly difficult, owing to the 
numerous hills and mountains which we encountered. All 
my men were very much fatigued. We established a 
strong guard, which was continued during the entire cam- 
paign, not only for the purpose of security, but for teaching 
the Canadians a discipline which they greatly needed We 
continued our advance on the 14th, but bad weather pre- 
vented our making as much progress as on the preceding 



246 I>E GEL OB ON' S EXPEDITION 

day. I consoled myself for the delay, as it was caused by 
a rain which I greatly desired, as it would raise the water 
in the river sufficient to float our loaded canoes. On the 
19th, the rain having ceased, we accomplished half a 
league. On the 20th and 21st we continued our route 
with great diligence, and arrived at the end of the portage 
on the banks of Lake Chatacoin on the 22d. The whole 
distance may be estimated at four leagues. Here I re- 
paired my canoes and recruited my men." 

It is a little over eight miles in a direct line from the 
mouth of Chautauqua Creek on Lake Erie to the head of 
Chautauqua Lake. The route taken by the expedition 
would of course be more, and probably equal to the four 
leagues, or ten miles, stated by Celoron. The difficulties 
they encountered must have been exceedingly formidable. 
Chautauqua Lake is 726 feet above Lake Erie, and in 
order to reach the water-shed between the two lakes, an 
ascent of at least one thousand feet had to be overcome. 
Although at that early day, when the forests were yet un- 
disturbed, the Chautauqua Creek flowed with fuller banks 
than now, yet even then but little use could be made of it 
by loaded canoes, except near its mouth. The portage 
could only be accomplished for the greater part of the way 
by carrying the canoes, baggage, provisions and supplies 
on the shoulders of the men up the steep mountain sides 
to the summit from which the waters flowed southward 
into Chautauqua Lake. Looking back from this elevation, 
a magnificent panorama must have presented itself to 
Celoron and his companions. Lake Erie lay at their feet, 



TO THE OBIO. 247 

with the Canada shore^ forty miles distant, in plain sight, 
while the extremities of that great inland sea, extending 
east and west, were lost below the horizon. 

The expedition did not loiter long on the banks of Chau- 
tauqua Lake. On the 28d they launched their bark flotilla 
on its clear, cool waters, and paddling south-eastward 
through the lake, passed the narrows at what are now 
known as Long and Bemus Points. The shape of the lake 
is quite peculiar. Its north-western and south-eastern 
extremities, which are nearly equal, and comprise the 
greater part of the lake, are connected by two short irreg- 
ular straits, between which nestles a small beautiful bay. 
The singular configuration of the whole gives plausability 
to the interpretation of the Indian name Chautauqua, 
which is said to signify " a sack tied in the middle." 

On the evening of the 23d of July the expedition en- 
camped on shore within three miles of the outlet. The 
lake is stated by C^loron to be " nine leagues," or about 
twenty-two miles long. The actual length is less than 
sixteen. Distances are almost always overstated by the 
early French voyageurs in America. In the evening a 
party of Indians, who had been engaged during the day in 
fishing in the lake, reported they had seen the enemy 
watching them from the adjacent foresf. They had fled 
as soon as discovered. Early on the morning of the 24th 
the expedition entered the outlet, a narrow stream wind- 
ing through a deep morass, bordered by a tall forest, which, 
over-arching the way, almost shut out the light of day. The 
water being found quite low, in order to lighten the canoes, 



248 BE GELORON'S EXPEDITION. 

they sent the greater part of their loading about three- 
quarters of a league by land, over a path pointed out by the 
Sieur De Saussaye, who was acquainted with the country.^ 
The distance they accomplished this day by water did not 
exceed half a league. It probably carried them through 
the swamp as far as the high land in the neighborhood of 
the present village of Jamestown. The next day, before re- 
suming their march, C61oron deemed it expedient to con- 
vene a council to consider what should be done in view of 
the evident signs of an enemy in the vicinity, who on being 
discovered had abandoned their canoes and effects and fled, 
carrying the alarm to the adjacent village of Paille Couple. 
The council decided to dispatch Lieutenant Joncaire, some 
Abenakis and three Iroquois, with three belts, to assure 
the fugitives of the friendly object of the expedition. After 
the departure of the embassy the march was resumed over 
the rapids, with which the outlet abounded. 

"We proceeded," says the Journal, " about a league 
with great difficulty. In many places I was obliged to 
assign forty men to each canoe to facilitate their passage. 
On the 26th and 27th we continued our voyage not with- 
out many obstacles ; notwithstanding all our precautions 
to guard our canoes, they often sustained great injury by 
leason of the shallow water. On the 29 th at noon I en- 
tered the ' la Belle Riviere! I buried a plate of lead at 
the foot of a red oak on the south bank of the river Oyo 
(Ohio) and of the Chanougon, not far from the village of 
Kanaouagon, in latitude 42° 5' 23"." It is unnecessary 

^ N. Y. Col. Doc, IX, p. 1097. 



'TO THE OHIO. 249 

to give a copy of the inscription on the above plate, as it 
is similar to the one which was sent to Governor Clinton, 
as before related, except slight variations in the spelling, 
accents and arrangement of lines. The three plates wliich 
have thus far been discovered present tlie same differences. 
The places and dates of deposit are coarsely engraved, 
evidently with a knife. In the one just described the 
blanks were filled with the words : " Au conduent de 
I'Ohio et Kanaaiagon, le 29 Juillet." 

"At the coniiuence of the Ohio and Kanaaiagon the 
29th of July." 

The river, spelled "Kanaaiagon" on the plate, "Chan- 
ougon " by Celoron in his Journal, and " Kananouangon," 
on Bonnecamps' map, is a considerable stream that rises 
in western New York, and after receiving the Chautauqua 
outlet as a tributary, empties into the Alleghany just 
above the village of Warren. It is now known as the 
Conewango. On the site of Warren, at the north-westerly 
angle of the two rivers, there was, at the time of Celoron's 
visit, an Indian village, composed principally of Senecas, 
with a few Loups, bearing the name of Kanaouagon. It 
was opposite the mouth of the Conewango, on the south 
bank of the Alleghany, that the leaden plate was buried. 
The following is Father Bonnecamps' entry in his diary. 

"X'oTZ a enterre une lame de plomh, avec une inscription, 
sur la rive meridionale de cetie riviere, et vis-a-vis le conflu- 
ent des deux rivieres." "We buried a leaden plate bearing 
an inscription on the south bank of this river, and op- 
posite the coniiuence of the two rivers." 

32 



250 i>E CELonoJsr's expedition 

The place of deposit is a little differently described in 
the Proces Verbal drawn up on the occasion. ^^Au pied 
dun cMne rouge, sur la rive meridionale cle la rividre Ohio, 
et vis-a-vis la pointe d'une illette. oil se joignent les deux 
rivieres Ohio et Kanaougonr "At the foot of a red oak 
on the south bank of the Ohio river, and opposite the 
point of a small island, at the confluence of the two rivers 
Ohio and Kanaougon." It will be noticed that the in- 
scription on the plate recites that it was buried on the 
south side of the Ohio, opposite the mouth of the "Chanou- 
gon" (Conewango). 

This presents a discrepancy between the inscriptions as 
given in the journals of Celoron and Bonnecamps, and the 
one on the plate forwarded by Colonel Johnson to Gov- 
ernor Clinton in 1751 as above described. The latter 
states it to have been buried " at the confluence of the 
Ohio and TchadaJcoin" The solution of the difficulty 
seems to be, that the latter plate was Jiever hurled or used, 
but was abstracted by the Iroquois friendly to the English, 
and another plate, having a correct inscription, was sub- 
stituted by the French. The inscription on the one sent 
to Governor Clinton, was undoubtedly prepared on the 
supposition that the Chautauqua outlet emptied into the 
Ohio. But when that outlet was found to be a tributary 
of the Conewango,^ and that the latter emptied into the 
Ohio, a corrected plate, containing the name of the Cone- 



^On Crevecoeur's M.2i^ o^ 11 bS,'m Depots des Cartes, Ministere 
de la Guerre, Paris, the Conewango is called tlie " Chatacouin " as 
far dawn as its junction with the Alleghany. 



TO THE OHIO. 251 

wango instead of the Chautauqua, was substituted and 
buried, as stated in Celeron's journal. The latter plate 
has never been fouad. This solution is strengthened by 
the fact that none of the accounts of the plate sent to 
Governor Clinton state that it had been buried, or had 
been dug up. The Cayuga Sachem, in his speech quoted 
in Colonel Johnson's letter of December 4th, 1750, states 
that " the Senecas got it by some artifice from Jean Coeur." 

Governor Clinton, in his letter to the Lords of Trade, 
states that some of the upper nations, which include the 
Senecas, " stole it from Jean Coeur, the French interpreter 
at Niagara, on his way to the river Ohio." The Governor 
states the same in substance in his letter to Governor 
Hamilton, of Pennsylvania. The theft must therefore 
have occurred while the expedition was on its way to the 
Ohio, and before any of the plates were buried. The 
original plate was probably soon after carried to England 
by Governor Clinton. The names " Chatacoin" and " Chat- 
akouin," as spelled by Celoron in his journal, and "'Tchad- 
akoin," as inscribed on the plate, and "Tjadakoin," as spelled 
by Bonnecamps on his map, are all variations of the 
modern name Chautauqua. It will be found differently 
written by several early authors. Pouchot writes it 
"Shatacoin;" Lewis Evans, 1758," Jadachque;" Sir Wil- 
liam Johnson, " Jadaghque ; " Mitchell, 1755, "Chadocoin," 
Alden, as pronounced by Cornplanter, " Chaud-dauk-wa." 
It is a Seneca name, and in the orthography of that nation, 
according to the system of the late Reverend Asher 



252 BE GELORON'S EXPEDITION 

Wright, long a missionary among them, and a fluent 
speaker of their language, it would be written "Jah-dah- 
gwah," the first two vowels being long and the last short. 
Different significations have been ascribed to the word. It 
is said to mean •' The place where a child was swept 
away by the waves." The late Dr. Peter Wilson, an ed- 
ucated Seneca, and a graduate of Geneva Medical College, 
told the writer that it signified literally, " where the fish 
was taken out." 

He related an Indian tradition connected with its origin. 
A party of Senecas were returning from the Ohio to Lake 
Erie. While paddling through Chautauqua Lake, one 
of them caught a strange fish and tossed it into his canoe. 
After passing the portage into Lake Erie, they found the 
fish still alive, and threw it in the water. From that 
time the new species became abundant in Lake Erie, 
where one was never known before. Hence, they called 
ihe place where it was caught, Jah-dah-gwah, the ele- 
ments of which are Ga-joh, ''fish," and Ga-dah-gwah, 
" taken out." By dropping the prefixes, according to 
Seneca custom, the compound name " Jah-dah-gwah " was 
formed. Among other significations which have been 
assigned to the word, but without any authority, may be 
mentioned " The elevated place," and " The foggy place," 
in allusion, probably, to the situation of the lake, and the 
mists which prevail on its surface at certain seasons. 

It will be noticed the Alleghany is called by C^loron 
the Ohio, or " La belle Riviere." This is in accordance 



TO THE OHIO. 253 

with the usage of all early French writers since the dis- 
covery of the river by La Salle. The same custom pre- 
vailed among the Senecas. They have always considered 
the Alleghany as the Ohio proper. If you ask a Seneca 
his name for that river, he will answer 0-hee-yuh. If 
you ask him its meaning, he will give it as " Beautiful 
river." 

Mr. Heckewelder, the Moravian missionary, supposing 
the word to be of Delaware origin, endeavors to trace its 
etymology from several words, signifying in that language, 
" the white foaming river." The late Judge Hall of Cin- 
cinnati adopted the same derivation. Neither of them 
seem to have been aware that it is a genuine Seneca ivord, 
derived from that nation by the French, and by the latter 
written " Ohio." Its pronunciation by a Frenchman would 
exactly represent the word as spoken by a Seneca, the 
letter " i" being sounded like e. The name " Ohio " was 
therefore, correctly inserted on the plates buried on the 
Alleghany, above its junction with the Monongahela at 
Pittsburgh. 

At the time the plate was interred opposite the mouth 
of the Conewango, as already narrated, all the officers and 
men of the expedition being drawn up in battle array, the 
chief in command proclaimed in a loud voice, "Vive le Roi," 
and that possession was now taken of the country in the 
name of the King. The royal arms were affixed to a 
neighboring tree, and a Proces Verbal was drawn up and 
signed as a memorial of the ceremony. The same formal- 



254 I>E GELOBON'S EXPEDITION 

it J was adopted at the burial of each succeeding plate. 
This proces verbal was in the following form, and in each 
instance was signed and witnessed by the officers present : 
^'' L'an, 1749, ?? 0166' CeloTon, chevalier de Vordre Royal et 
militaire de St. Louis, Ga]pitaine Commandant un detacJie- 
ment envoy i par les ordres de M. le Marquis de Qalisson' 
niere. Commandant General en Canada, dans la helle Riviere 
accompagne des principaux officiers de notre detacJiement, 
avons enferre (Here was inserted the place of deposit ) 
une plaque de plomb, et fait attacker dans le meme lieu, a 
un ai'bre, les Armes du Roi. En foy de quoi, nous avons 
dresse et signe, avec M. M. les o-fficiers, le present Proems 
verbal a notre camp, h (day of the month) 1749." "In 
the year 1749 we, Celoron, Chevalier of the Royal and 
military order of St. Louis, commander of a detachment 
sent by order of the Marquis of Galissoniere, Governor Gen- 
eral of Canada, to the Ohio, in presence of the principal offi- 
cers of our detachment, have buried (Here was inserted the 
place of deposit.) a leaden plate, and in the same place 
have affixed to a tree the Arms of the King. In testi- 
mony whereof we have drawn up and signed, with the offi- 
cers the present Proces verbal, at our camp, the (day of the 
month) 1749." This method of asserting sovereignty 
over new territory is peculiar to the French, and was 
often adopted by them. La Salle, at the mouth of the 
Mississippi in 1682, thus proclaimed the dominion of 
Louis le Grand, and more recently the same formality 
was observed when a French squadron took possession of 
some islands in the Pacific Ocean. 



TO THE OHIO. 255 

A few miles from Kanaouagon, on the right bank of 
the Alleghany, just below its junction with the Broken- 
straw creek, was the Indian village of " Paille Couple," or 
Cut Straw, the name being given by Geloron as Kacliuio- 
dagon, occupied principally by Senecas. The English 
name " Broken straw," and the French name Paille 
Coupee, were both probably derived from the Seneca 
name, which is De-ga-syo-noh-dyah-goh, which signifies 
liteially, broken straw. Kachuiodagon, as given by 
Celoron, and Koshenunteagunk, as given on the Histor- 
ical Map of Pennsylvania, and the Seneca name, are all 
three the same word in different orthography, the varia- 
tion in the first two being occasioned by the difference be- 
tween the French and English mode of spelling the same 
Indian word. Father Bonnecamps states the village to 
be in latitude 41° 54' 3" and in longitude 79° 13' west of 
Paris. 

While the expedition was resting in the vicinity of 
these two Indian villages, a council was held with the in- 
habitants, conducted by Joncaire ; whom Celoron states 
had been adopted by the Senecas, and possessed great in- 
fluence and power over them. They addressed him in 
the council as " our child Joncaire." He was probably 
the person of that name met by Washington at Venango 
four years afterwards,-^ and a son of the Joncaire men- 



^ Governor Clinton, in bis address before tbe New York Historical 
Society in 1811, inquires if tbe Joncaire met by Cbarlevoix and 
Wasbington were tbe same. Tbey could not bave been, for tbe one 
mentioned by Cbarlevoix died in 1740. 



256 i>B GEL on ON' S EXPEDITION 

tioned by Charlevoix as living at Lewiston on the Niagara 
in 1721, " who possessed the wit of a Frenchman and the 
sublime eloquence of an Iroquois." The father, who was 
a captive, died in 1740, leaving two half-breed sons, who 
seem to have inherited his influence and distinction. 
Their names were Chabert Joncaire, Junior, and Philip 
Clauzonne de Joncaire. Both were in the French service, 
and brought reinforcements from the west to Fort Niagara 
at the time it was besieged by Sir William Johnson in 
1759. Their names are affixed to the capitulation which 
took place a few days later. The former was in com- 
mand of Fort Schlosser, his brother, who was a captain 
in the marine, being with him. They were both in the 
expedition of C41oron. 

The result of the council held by Joncaire was not sat- 
isfactory to the French. It was very evident there was a 
strong feeling among the Indians on the Alleghany in 
favor of the English. It did not, however, prevent the 
French from descending the river. After pledging the 
Senecas in a cup of "Onontios milk" (brandy), the ex- 
pedition left the villages of Kanaouagon and Faille Couple 
on the first day of August, and after proceeding about four 
leagues below the latter, reached a village of Loups and 
Renards, composed of ten cabins. The Loups were a 
branch of the Delawares, called by the English Munseys. 
Four or five leagues farther down they passed another 
small village, consisting of six cabins, and on the third of 
August another of ten cabins. The next was a village on 
the " Riviere aux Boeufs." According to Father Bonne- 



TO THE OHIO. 257 

camps, they passed between Paille Couple and the Riviere 
aux Boeufs one village on the left and four on the right, 
the latitude of the third on the right being 4i° 30' 30", 
and the longitude 79° 21' west of Paris. The Riviere aux 
Boeufs is nov/ known as French creek, it having been so 
called by Washington on his visit there in 1753. The 
English named it Venango. A fort was built by the 
French in 1753 4 on its western bank, sixty rods below 
its junction with the Alleghan}^, called Fort Machault. 
In 1760, when the English took possession, they built 
another, forty rods higher up, and near the mouth of 
French creek, which they called Fort Venango. In 1787 
the United States Government sent a force to protect the 
settlers, and built a fort on the south bank of the creek, 
half a mile above its mouth, which was called Fort 
Franklin. From all of v/hich it appears that this was at 
an early day an imporhmt point on the river. It is now 
the site of the flourishing village of Franklin. At the 
time of Celoron's visit the Indian village numbered about 
ten cabins. 

After passing the Riviere aux Boeufs and another on 
the left, the expedition reached on the same day a bend 
in the river about nine miles below, on the left or eastern 
bank of which lay a large boulder, nearly twenty-two feet 
in length by fourteen in breadth, on the inclined face of 
which were rude inscriptions, evidently of Indian work- 
manship, representing by various symbols the triumphs of 
the race in war and in the chase. It was regarded by the 
natives attached to the expedition as an " Indian God/' 

33 



258 BE GELORON' 8 EXPEDITION 

and held in superstitious reverence. It was a well-known 
landmark, and did not fail to arrest the attention of the 
French. C^loron deemed it a favorable point at which to 
bury his second leaden plate. This was done with due 
form and ceremony, the plate bearing an inscription similar 
to that on the first, differing only in the date and designa- 
tion of the place of deposit. Celoron's record is as follows : 
" Aoui Zme, 1749. Enterre une jpJaqae de plomh sur la rive 
meridionale de la riviere Oyo, a 4 lieues, aii dessous de la 
riviere aux hoeu/s, vis-a-vis une montag}ie pelle, et aujpres 
d'une grosse pierre, sur laquelle on voit plusieurs figures assez 
gross idrement gravees." " Buried a leaden plate on the 
south bank of the Ohio river, four leagues below the river 
Aux Boeufs, opposite a bald mountain, and near a large 
stone, on which are many figures rudely engraved." 

Father Bonnecamps states the deposit to have been 
made under a large rock. An excellent view of the rock 
in question, with a /ac-simile of the hieroglyphics on its 
face, may be found in Schoolcraft's work on the " Indian 
Tribes in the United States," Vol. VI, pp. 172. It was 
drawn by Captain Eastman of the U. S. Army while stand- 
ing waist deep in the river, its banks being then nearly 
full. At the time of the spring and fall freshets the rock 
is entirely submerged. The abrasion of its exposed sur- 
face by ice and flood- wood in winter has almost obliterated 
the rude carvings. At the time of Celoron's visit it was 
entirely uncovered. It is called "Hart's rock" on Hutch- 
ings' Topographical Map of Virginia. The distance of 
" four leagues " from the mouth of the river Aux Boeufs, 



TO THE OHIO. 259 

or French Creek, to the rock, as given by C^loron, is, as 
usual, a little exaggerated. The actual distance by the 
windings ol the river is about nine miles. The league as 
used by Celoron may be estimated as containing about two 
miles and a-half. The leaden plate deposited at this point 
has never been found, and some zealous antiquarian living 
in the vicinity might, from the record now given, be able 
to restore it to light, after a repose of more than a century 
and a quarter. 

From this station Celoron sent Joncaire forward to 
Attigu^ the next day, to announce the approach of the 
expedition, it being an Indian settlement of some import- 
ance on the left bank of the river, between eight and nine 
leagues farther down, containing twenty-two cabins. Be- 
fore reaching Attigue they passed a river three or four 
leagues from the Aux Boeufs, the confluence of which with 
the Alleghany is described as ^' very beautiful," and a 
league farther down another, having on its upper waters 
some villages of Loups and Iroquois. 

Attigu6 was probably on or near the Kistiminitas river, 
which falls into the south side of the Alleghany about 
twenty-five miles above Pittsburgh. It is called the river 
d'Attigue by Montcalm, in a letter dated in 1758.^ There 
were several Indian villages on its banks at that date. 
They reached Attigue on the sixth, where they found 
Joncaire waiting. Embarking together they passed on 
the right an old '•' Chaouanons " (Shawnees) village. It 
had not been occupied by the Indians since the removal 

^ N. T. Col. Doc, IX, 1025 ; X, lb., 901. 



260 BE GELORON' 8 EXPEDITION 

of Chartier and his band to the river Vermillion in the 
Wabash country in 1745, by order of the Marquis De Beau- 
harnois. Leaving Attigue the next day, they passed a 
villao-e of Loups, all the inhabitants of which, except three 
Iroquois, and an old woman who was regarded as a queen, 
and devoted to the English, had fled in alarm to Chiningu6. 
This viHao-e of the Loups, Celoron declares to be the finest 
he saw on the river. It must have been situated at or 
near the present site of Pittsburgh. The description of 
the place, like many given by Celoron, is so vague that it 
is impossible to identify it with any certainty. The clear, 
bright current of the Alleghany, and the sluggish, turbid 
stream of the Monongahela, flowing together to form the 
broad Ohio, their banks clothed in luxuriant summer 
foliage, must have presented to the voyagers a scene 
strikingly picturesque, one which would hardly have 
escaped the notice of the chief of the expedition. If, there- 
fore the allusion to " the finest place on the river " has no 
reference to the site of Pittsburgh, then no mention is 
made of it whatever. On landing three leagues farther 
down they were told by some of their Indians that they 
had passed a rock on which were some inscriptions. 
Father Bonnecamps and Joncaire, who were sent to ex- 
amine it, reported nothing but some English names written 
in charcoal. This w:is near the second entrepot of the 
English. 

Their camp being only two leagues above Chiningu^, 
they were enabled to reach the latter the next day. They 
found the village one of the largest on the river, consisting 



TO THE OHIO. 261 

of fifty cabins of Iroquois, Shawnees and Loups ; also Iro- 
quois from the Sault St. Louis and Lake of the Two Moun- 
tains, with some Nippissingues, Abenakis and Ottawas, 
Bonnecamps estimated the number of cabins at eighty, 
and says, " we called it Chiningue, from its vicinity to a 
river of that name." He records its latitude as 40° 35' 10" 
which is nearly correct, and longitude as 80° 19'. The 
place was subsequently known as " Logstown," a large and 
flourishing village which figures prominently in Indian 
history for many years after this period. Colonel Crogan, 
who was sent to the Ohio Indians by Governor Hamilton, 
of Pennsylvania, in August, 1749, mentions in his journal 
that " Monsieur Celaroon with two hundred French soldiers 
had passed through Logstown just before his arrival.^ " 
Crogan inquired of the inhabitants the object of the expe- 
dition, and was told by them that '■' it was to drive the 
English away, and by burying iron plates, with inscrip- 
tions on them at the mouth of each remarkable creek, to 
steal away their country." 

On reaching Chiningue Celoron found several English 
traders established there, whom he compelled to leave. 
He wrote by them to Governor Hamilton, under date of 
August 6th, 1749, that he was surprised to find English 
■ traders on French territory, it being in contravention of 
solemn treaties, and hoped the Governor would forbid their 
trespassing in future. De Celoron also made a speech, in 
which he informed the Indians that '' he was on his way 

1 N. Y. Col. Doc, VII, p. 267. 



262 t>E CELORON'S EXPEDITION 

down the Ohio to whip home the Twightwees and Wyan- 
dots for trading with the English." They treated his 
speech with contempt, insisting that " to separate them 
from the English would be like cutting a man into halves, 
and expecting him to live.^ " The Indians w^ere found so 
unfriendly to the French, and suspicious of the objects of 
the expedition, as to embarass the movements of De 
C^loron. His Iroquois and Abenaki- allies refused to 
accompany him further than Chiningu4. They destroyed 
the plates which, bearing the arms of the French king, 
had been affixed to trees as memorials of his sovereignty. 

After leaving Chiningu^, they passed two rivers, one on 
either side, and crossing the present boundary line between 
Pennsylvania and Ohio, reached the river Kanououara 
early on the 13th. Here they interred the third leaden 
plate, with the usual inscription and customary ceremonies. 
The blank in the plate was filled as follows: ^' Enterre a V en- 
tree de la riviere, et sur la rive Septentrionale de Kanouou- 
ara, qui se decliarge a Vest de la riviere Oyo!' " Buried at 
the mouth and on the north bank of the river Kanououara, 
which empties into the easterly side of the Ohio river." 
Neither C^loron nor Bonnecamps gives such a description 
of the locality as to warrant a positive identification of the 
site. The plate was probably buried on the northerly 
bank of Wheeling creek, at its junction with the Ohio, in 
the present state of Virginia, and near where Fort Henry 



' N. T. Col. Doc, VI, pp. 532-3. 



TO THE OHIO. 263 

was subsequently built in 1774. No vestige of the plate 
has been discovered so far as known. 

The expedition resumed its voyage on the 14th, passing 
the mouths of three streams, twoon the left and one on the 
right. Deer abounded along the banks. Two of the rivers 
are stated to be strikingly beautiful at their j auction with 
the Ohio. On the 15th they arrived at the mouth of the 
Muskingum, called by Father Bonnecamps Yenangud- 
konnan, and encamped on the shore. Here the fourth 
leaden plate was buried on the right bank of that river, at 
its junction with the Ohio. C^loron describes the place of 
deposit as follows: ^^ Enter re au pied cVua Srahle, qui forme 
tripled avec une ch&ne rouge et u/i orme,^ a VeidrSs de la 
riviere Yenaiiguahonan, sur la rive accideniale de cette 
rividre.'' " Buried at the foot of a maple, which forms a 
trianglo with a red oak and eim, at the mouth of the river 
Yenanguakonan, and on its western bank." 

In 1798, half a century later, some boys, who were 
bathing at the mouth of the Muskingum, discovered 
something projecting from the perpendicular face of the 
river bank, three or four feet below the surface. With 
the aid of a pole they loosened it from its bed, and found 
it to be a leaden plate, stamped with letters in an unknown 
language. Unaware of its historic value, and being in 
want of lead, then a scarce article in the new country, 
they carried it home and cast a part of it into bullets. 
News of the discovery of so curious a relic having reached 
the ears of a resident of Marietta, he obtained possession 
of it, and found the inscription to be in French. The boys 



264 I>E GELORON'S EXPEDITION. 

had cut off quite a large part of the inscription, but enough 
remained to indicate its character. It subsequently passed 
into the hands of Caleb Atwater, tlie historian, who sent 
it to Governor De Witt Clinton. The latter presented it 
to the Antiquarian Society of Massachusetts, in the library 
of which it is now deposited. A poor facsimile of the 
fragment is given in Hildreth's " Pioneer History of the 
Ohio Valley," at page 20. It app-jars to have been sub- 
stantially the same as the other plates which have been 
discovered, with the exception of a different arrangement 
of the lines. The place of deposit is given as " riviere 
Yenangue " on the part of the plate which was rescued 
from the boys. Mr. Atwater, Gov. Clinton and several 
historians, misled by the similarity between the names 
'' Yenanga6" and " Venango," supposed that it had origi- 
nally been deposited at Venango, an old Indian town at 
the mouth of French creek in Pennsylvania, one hundred 
and thirty miles above the mouth of the Muskingum, and 
had been carried down by a freshet, or removed by some 
party to the place where it was discovered. The Journal 
of De C^loron removes all doubt on the subject, and con- 
clusively establishes the fact that the plate was originally 
deposited where it was found, on the site w.here old Fort 
Harmer was subsequently built, and opposite the point 
where the village of Marietta is now situated. 

After the deposit of the fourth plate was completed, the 
expedition broke up their forest camp, embarked in their 
canoes, and resumed the descent of the river. About three- 
quarters of a mile below the Muskingum, Father Bonne- 



TO THE OHIO. 265 

camps took some observations, and found the latitude to 
be 39° 36', and the longitude 81° 2Q' west of Paris. They 
accomplished twelve leagues on the 16th, and on the ITth, 
embarking early, they passed two fine rivers, one on each 
side, the names of which are not given. On the 18th, 
after an early start, they were arrested by the rain at the 
mouth of the Great Kanawha, which is called by Father 
Bonnecamps '•' Chinodaichta." The bank of this large 
stream, flowing from the south-east, and draining an ex- 
tensive territory, was chosen for the deposit of the fifth 
plate. Only a brief record of the ceremony is given. A 
copy of the inscription is omitted by C61oron, but his 
record of the interment of the plate is as follows : " En- 
terree au pied dun orme, sur la rive meridionale de V Oyo, 
et la rive orientale de Chinondaista, le 18 Aout, 1749." 
•^^ Buried at the foot of an elm on the south bank of the 
Ohio, and on the east bank of the Chinondaista, the 18th 
day of August, 1749." 

Fortunately the discovery of the plate in March, 1846, 
leaves no doubt of the inscription. It was found by a boy 
while playing on the margin of the Kenewha river. Like 
that at the mouth of the Muskingum, it was projecting 
from the river bank, a few feet below the surface. Since 
. the time it was buried, an accumulation of soil had been 
deposited above it by the annual river freshets for nearly 
one hundred years. The day of the deposit, as recorded 
on the plate, corresponds precisely with the one stated by 
De Celeron. The spelling of the Indian name of the river 
difiers slightly from the Journal, that on the plate being 

34 



266 I>^ CELOBOirS EXPEDITION'. 

" Chinodahichetha." Kenawha, the Indian name of the 
river in another dialect, is said to signify " the river of the 
woods." The place selected by C6Ioron for the interment 
of the plate must have been one of surpassing beauty. 
The native forest, untouched by the pioneer, and crowned 
with the luxuriant foliage of Northern Kentucky, covered 
the banks of both rivers, and the picturesque scenery justi- 
fied the name of '^ Point Pleasant," which was afterwards 
bestowed by the early settlers. On the 16th day of Octo- 
ber 1774, it became the scene of a bloody battle between 
an army of Virginians, commanded by Colonel Lewis, and 
a laro'e force of western Indians, under the leadership of 
the celebrated Cornstalk, Logan and others, in which the 
latter were defeated/ 

The expedition was detained at this point by the rain. 
It re-embarked on the 20th, and when they had proceeded 
about three leagues, Father Bonnecamps took the latitude 
and longitude, which he records at 38° 39' 57" for the 
former, and 82° 01' for the latter. Joncaire was sent for- 
ward the next day with two chiefs from the Sault St. Louis 
and two Abenakis, to propitiate the inhabitants of " St. 
Yotoc," a village they were now approaching. They em- 
barked early on the morning of the 22d, and reached St. 
Yotoc the same day. This village was composed of Shaw- 
nees, Iroquois, Loups, and Miamis, and Indians from the 
Sault St. Louis, Lake of the Two Mountains, as well as 
representatives from nearly all the nations of the "upper 
country." The name " St. Yotoc " seems to be neither 

^ See Vol. I, pp. 747, Magazine of American History. 



TO THE OHIO. 267 

French nor Indian. It is probably a corruption of Scioto. 
Father Bonnecamps calls it " Sinhioto " on his map. He re- 
cords the latitude of the south bank of the Ohio, opposite its 
mouth, at 38° 50' 24", and tlie longitude 82° 22'. Pouchot, 
in his " Memoires sicr la deniiere guerre,'' French edition, 
Vol. Ill, page 182, calls the river " Sonhioto." This 
village of St. Yotoc, or Scioto, was probably on the north 
bank of the Ohio, a little below the mouth of the Scioto, 
now the site of Alexandria. Its principal inhabitants 
were Shawnees. 

The expedition remained here until the 26th of August. 
On the 27th they proceeded as far as the Riviere La 
Blanche, or White river, which they reached at ten at 
night. On the bank of the Ohio, opposite the mouth of 
this river, Bonnecamps found the latitude to be 39° 12' 01", 
and the longitude 83° 31'. Embarking on the 30th, they 
passed the great north bend of the Ohio, and reached the 
Riviere a la Roche, now known as the Great Miami. Here 
their voyage on the Ohio ended, and they turned their 
little fleet of bark gondolas northward into the channel of 
its great tributar}^ 

The sixth and last of the leaden plates was buried at 
this place. The text of C^loron's Journal reads as follows : 
" Eiiterree sur la pointe formee par la rive droite de V Ohio, 
et la rive gauche de la rividre a la Roche, Aout 31, 1749." 
" Buried on the point formed by the intersection of the 
right bank of the Ohio, with the left bank of the Rock 
river, August 31, 1749." So far as known, this plate has 
never been discovered. Celoron calls the Great Miami 



268 DE GELOBON' 8 EXPEDITION 

the Eiviere a la Koche, and Pouchot, quoted above, and 
other French writers give it the same name. 

The expedition left its encampment at the mouth of this 
river on the first day of September, and began the toil- 
some ascent of the stream, now greatly diminished by the 
summer drought. On the 13th they arrived at " Demoi- 
selles," which Father Bonnecamps, with his constant com- 
panion the Astrolabe, found to be in latitude 40° 23' 12", 
and longitude 83° 29'. This was the residence of La De- 
moiselle, a chief of a portion of the Miamis who were 
allies of the English.^ The fort and* village of La De- 
moiselle were mentioned by M. De Longueil in 1752. It 
was probably situated on what was afterwards known as 
Loraraies Creek, the earliest point of English settlement 
m Ohio. It became quite noted in the subsequent history 
of the Indian wars, and was destroyed by General Ciark 
in his expedition of 1782. A fort was built on the site 
several years afterwards by General Wayne, which he 
named Fort Loramie. Here the French remained a week 
to recruit, and prepare for the portage to the Maumee. 
Having burned their canoes, and obtained some ponies, 
they set out on their overland journey. In arranging for 
the march, M. De Celoron took command of the right, and 
M. De Contrecoeur of the left. The distance was estimated 
by Celoron as fifty leagues, and five and a-half days were 
allotted for its accomplishment.^ 

^ N. Y. Col. Doc, X, pp. 139, 142, 245 and 247. 

^ Major Long of the U. S. Army, in his second expedition to the 
St. Peter's river in 1823, traveled over the same route. 



TO THE OHIO. 269 

They completed the portage on the 25th, and arrived 
at Kiskakon. This appears to be the Indian name for 
the site of Fort Wayne, which was built there in 1794. 
Celoron found it a French post, under the command of M. 
De Raymond. It undoubtedly took the name of Kiska- 
kon, from a branch of Ottawas that removed to this place 
from Missillimackinac, where they resided as late as 1682. 
It was here that De Celoron provided pirogues and pro- 
visions for the descent of the Maumee to Lake Erie. The 
Miami Chief "Pied Froid," or Coldfoot resided in the 
village. He appears not to have been very constant in 
his allegiance either to the French or the English. 

Leaving Kiskakon on the 27th of September, a part of 
the expedition went overland to Detroit, and the remainder 
descended the river by canoe. The latter landed near 
Detroit on the 6 th of October. Having renewed his 
supplies and canoes for the transportation of his detach- 
ment, Celoron prepared for the return to Montreal by way 
of Lake Erie. His Indian allies, as usual, occasioned 
some delay. They had stopped at the mouth of the 
Maumee, and were overcome by a drunken debauch on the 
white man's fire water. It was not until the 8th of Oc- 
tober that the party finally launched their canoes, and 
descended the river into Lake Erie. Their first night was 
spent on its northern shore at Point Pellee. Nothing 
worthy of note occurred during their traverse of the lake. 
They reached Fort Niagara on the 19th, where they 
remained three days. Leaving there on the 22d, they 
coasted the south shore of Lake Ontario, and arrived at 



270 I>E G EL BON'S EXPEDITION- 

Fort Frontenac on the 6th of November, their canoes badly 
shattered by the autumnal gales, and their men greatly 
latigued with the hardships of the voyage. They pushed 
on, however, with as little delay as possible to Montreal, 
which they reached on the 10th of October, having, accord= 
ing to the estimate of both De C6loron and Father Bonne - 
camps, traveled at least twelve hundred leagues. 

Allusion has been made to the changes which took place 
in the Ohio Valley prior to the expedition of De C^loron. 
Those which have since occurred are no less remarkable. 
Both the French and the English continued equally de- 
termined to possess the country north of the Ohio. The 
former stretched a chain of posts from Niagara to the 
Mississippi, as a barrier against English encroachments, 
and to exclude the Indians from their influence and con- 
trol. To counteract these demonstrations, Gist was sent 
by the Ohio Company in 1750 to survey its lands prelim- 
inary to their occupation and settlement. In 1753 Wash- 
ington was despatched by Governor Dinwiddle to Venango 
and Le Boeuf on what proved- to be a fruitless mission, 
A post was established the same year by the English at 
Pittsburgh, which was captured the next by the French, 
and called after the Marquis Du Quesne. It was occupied 
by the latter until retaken by General Forbes in 1756. 

This was followed the next year by an expedition under 
Washington, who at the age of twenty-two drew his maiden 
sword at the Great Meadows in an encounter with a de- 
tachment of French under Jumonville, which resulted in 
the death of the latter. Washington pushed on farther 



TO THE OHIO. 271 

west, but the advance of the enemy with strong reinforce- 
ments compelled him to fall back to the Great Meadows, 
which he strengthened and fortified, under the significant 
name of Fort Necessity. Here he was attacked by the 
French under Couion de Villiers, a brother of Jumonville, 
with a vigor inspired by the desire of avenging his brother's 
death. Washington was compelled to capitulate. The 
French were thus enabled to acquire complete control for 
the time being over the disputed territory. Thus was the 
opening scene in the great drama of the " Old French 
War" enacted. The disastrous defeat of Braddock followed 
the next year, and exposed the whole frontier to the 
hostile incursions of the French and Indians. 

In 1759 the grand scheme for the conquest of €anada, 
conceived by the illustrious Pitt, was carried into execu- 
tion. The expeditions of Amherst against Ticonderoga, 
Wolfe against Quebec, and Prideaux against Niagara, re- 
sulted in the fall of those important fortresses. Major 
Rogers was sent to the North-west in 1760 to receive pos- 
session of the French posts, which had been surrendered 
to the English by the capitulation of Quebec. He was met 
at Cuyahoga by Pontiac, the Ottawa, who forbade his 
farther progress. " I stand," says he, '"'in your path ; you 
can march no farther without my permission." A friend 
to the French, a leader in the attack on Braddock, am- 
bitious and vindictive, Pontiac was a chief of commanding 
intellect and well qualified for bold enterprises and strategic 
combinations. These qualities were indicated in his great 
conspiracy for the simultaneous capture of the ten princi- 



272 I>E CELORON'S EXPEDITION 

pal posts in the North-west, and the massacre of the 
English trading in their vicinity. Eight of those posts, 
embracing Sandusky, St. Joseph, Miami, Ouatanon, Mack- 
inaw, Presque Isle, Le Boeuf and Venango successively 
fell before the deep laid plans of the wily chieftain. Forts 
Pitt and Detroit successfully withstood the most vigorous 
assaults, and the latter a protracted siege conducted by 
Pontiac himself 

Now war in all its horrors raged with savage intensity 
along the entire frontier. The unprotected settlers, men, 
women and children, were massacred, and scalped, or if 
spared, borne away into a hopeless captivity. The Eng- 
lish colonists were aroused to meet the emergency, and 
Colonel Bouquet was sent in 1763 with a large force into 
the Indian territory to relieve the western posts, but was 
compelled to halt at Pittsburgh. 

The succeeding spring found the Indians again on the 
war-path, and Detroit was invested for the second time by 
Pontiac. An expedition was sent to the North-western 
posts under Bradstreet, and another under Bouquet pene- 
trated the interior of Ohio. Bradstreet was" duped by his 
crafty adversaries into a peace not intended to be kept, 
but Bouquet undeceived by similar artifices, pushed on to 
the heart of the Indian country. At the junction of the 
White Woman and Tuscarawas rivers he dictated a peace 
by his bold and energetic movements, which, with the ex- 
ception of occasional outbreaks, was destined to last until 
the commencement of the great contest between the colon- 
ists and the mother country. 



TO THE OHIO. 273 

The treaty of 1 783 left the western tribes without an ally, 
and the United States became free to extend the arts of 
peace over their new territory. The pioneers shouldered the 
axe and the rifle, and marching westward in solid column 
invaded the land. The frail canoe and slug-gish batteau^ 
which had so long and wearily contended with the adverse 
currents of the Ohio, were soon replaced by the power of 
steam. The dense forests that for a thousand miles had 
Jnnged both borders of the river were opened to the sun- 
light, and thriving cities and smiling villages arose on the 
rums of the mound builders. The narrow trails of the 
Indian, deep worn for centuries by the tread of hunter and 
warrior, were now superseded by the iron rail and broad 
highway. The hardy emigrants and their descendants 
subdued the wilderness, and with the church, the school- 
house, the factory and the plough planted a civilization on 
the rums of a fallen barbarism. 

The dominion and power of France have disappeared, 
and no traces of her lost sovereignty exist, save in the few 
names she has left on the prominent streams and land- 
marks of the country, and in the leaden plates which, in- 
scribed in her language and asserting her claims, still lie 
buried on the banks of the " Beautiful River." 




35 




THE NIAGARA FRONTIER. 

EMBRACING SKETCHES OF ITS EARLY HISTORY, AND INDIAN, 
FRENCH AND ENGLISH LOCAL NAMES.^ 

[AMES CARTIER, while exploring the Gulf of 
St. Lawrence in 1535, was informed by the 
savages, living on its borders, that a mighty 
river, which they' called Hochelaga, flowed into the sea 
near 'by, from a vast distance in the interior.'- Having 
discovered its mouth, he explored the stream as far as the 
site of the present city of Montreal. He inquired of the 
Indians whom he met on the way, touching the source ot 
that great river and the country through which it flowed. 
He was told, that after ascending many leagues among 
rapids and water-falls he would reach a. lake, one hundred 
and fifty leagues long and forty or fifty broad, at the 
western extremity of which the waters were wholesome 
and the winters mild; that a river emptied into it from 
the south, which had its source in the country of the 
Iroquois; that beyond this lake he would find a cataract 

"T^^eadb^fOTTthe Buffalo Historicj^l Society, February 27, 1865. 
"^ Lescarbot, p. 300, 



276 THE NIAGARA FRONTIER. 

and portage; then another lake about equal to the former, 
which they had never explored; and, still further on, a 
sea, the western shores of which they had never seen, nor 
had they heard of any one who had. 

This is the earliest historical notice of our great lake 
region.-^ 

Cartier was followed, after a long interval, by French 
traders, adventurers and missionaries ; who, stimulated by 
love of adventure or the attractions of the fur trade, or 
inspired by religious zeal, were the first to penetrate the 
Canadian wilderness, and encounter the privations and 
dangers incident to the exploration of the vast interior 
of North America. 

Before the Pilgrims landed in New England, Champlain 
had wintered among the savages on the eastern shore of 
Lake Huron, and had crossed Lake Ontario with an expe- 
dition against the Iroquois in the central part of our 

State.^ 

As one after another of the principal lakes and rivers 
of the New World were discovered, they were called in 
honor of some tutelary saint or patron, some king or 
noble. The early travelers not only rejected their abor- 
iginal names, but, in many instances, failed even to 
mention them. The series of lakes on our northern bor- 
der, were originally considered as expansions of one 
continuous river, called by the old geographers Saint 



^ Lescarbot, p. 381, 

* Voyages de Champlain, Part i, p. 251. Edition of 1632, 



THE NIA GARA FB ONTIEU. 277 

Lawrence, in honor of the martyr, on the day of whose 
festival the noble gulf at its outlet was discovered. 

During the three centuries which have elapsed since 
that event took place, two distinct races have successively 
occupied and disappeared from this locality, now in the 
undisputable possession of a third. 

The traveler in the classic regions of the Old World, 
encounters, at every step, venerable monuments and 
crumbling ruins; silent but elegant memorials of those 
who have risen, flourished, and disappeared in the revo- 
lutions of time. The Indian, once lord of this New World, 
now a tenant at the will of the white man, was skilled in 
none but the rudest arts. He roamed, a child of nature, 
over the forest and prairie, absorbed in his ceaseless strug- 
gle for a precarious subsistence on the fruits of the chase. 
He built no monuments and has left no records, from 
which we may learn the story of his origin, his migrations, 
his bloody wars and fruitless conquests. The only light 
which shines upon its annals, is, at best, a dim and shad- 
owy tradition. Scarce a memorial of his former occupancy 
remains, save the names he has bestowed upon the lakes, 
rivers and prominent landmarks of the country. The 
Iroquois dialects still live in their melodious geographical 
terms, suggesting a sad contrast between their former 
proud and extensive dominion and their present feeble 
and reduced condition. 

There is no satisfactory evidence of the existence, in 
this vicinity, of a race preceding the Indians. The 



278 THE NIA a ABA FE ON TIER. 

"mound-builders," that mysterious people who once spread 
in countless multitudes over the valleys of the Ohio, the 
Mississippi, and their tributaries, never, so far ^s diligent 
research has been able to discover, dwelt in this locality. 
The ancient fortifications, tumuli, and artificial structures 
that abound in Western New York, can all be referred to a 
later date and a more modern race. But at what precise 
period, and by what particular people they were con- 
structed, are questions which have hitherto eluded the 
most diligent historical research. The Senecas are 
equally ignorant on this subject. The venerable Seneca 
White, a distinguished Iroquois chief residing on the Cat- 
taraugus Reservation, now eighty-one years old,^ ex- 
pressed his curiosity on the subject, in a recent inter- 
view with the writer ; and desired to know when, why 
and by whom those structures had been built. Many of 
them may yet be seen within a few miles of our city, 
and are certainly objects of historical interest and specula- 
tion. 

Omitting, therefore, from necessity, any notice of the 
race, of whom those remains are the only memorial, we 
find that the first in this locality, of whom history makes 
mention, were the Attiouandaronk, or Neutral Nation, 
called Kah-kwas by the Senecas.^ They had their coun- 



^ He died since the above was written, on the 19th May, 1873. — 
Ed. 

^ It has been assumed by many writers that the Kah-kwas and 
Eries were identical. This is not so. The latter, according to the 
most reliable authorities, lived south of the western extremity of 



THE NIAGARA FRONTIER. 279 

cil-fires along the Niagara, but principally on its western 
side. Their hunting grounds extended from the Genesee 
nearly to the eastern shores of Lake Huron, embracing a 
wide and important territory. In this region, now teem- 
ing with Anglo-Saxon life, they reared their rude wig- 
wams, pursued their game, and preserved a rigid and sing- 
ular neutrality between the fierce tribes that waged their 
bloody wars on all sides around them. They are first 
mentioned by Champlain during his winter visit to the 
Hurons in 1615, before alluded to, but he was unable to 
visit their territory. According to the early Jesuits, they 
excelled the Hurons in stature, strength and symmetry, 
and wore their dress with a superior grace. They re- 
garded their dead with peculiar veneration. Once in every 
ten years the survivors of each family gathered the remains 
of their deceased ancestors from the platforms on which 
they had been deposited, and buried them in heaps, with 
many superstitious ceremonies. This was called the 
" Feast of the Dead." Many of the mounds thus raised 
may still be seen in this vicinity. A conspicuous one on 
Tonawanda Island, is affirmed by the old Senecas to have 
had such an origin. The land of the Neutral Nation is 
described by the Jesuits as producing an abundance of 
corn, beans, and other vegetables ; their rivers as abound- 



Lake Erie until they were destroyed by the Iroquois, in 1655. The 
Kah-kwas were exterminated by them as early as 1651. On Coro- 
nelli's map, published in 1688, one of the villages of the latter, 
ealled " Kakouagoga, a destroyed nation^'' is located at or near the 
site of Buffalo. 



280 THE NIA GAR A FR ONTIER. 

ing in fish of endless variety, and their forests as filled 
with a profusion of game, yielding the richest furs. 

The peace which this peculiar people had so long main- 
tained with the Iroquois was destined to be broken. Some 
jealousies and collisions occurred in 1647, which culmi- 
nated in open war in 1650. One of the villages of the 
Neutral Nation, nearest the Senecas and not far from the 
site of our city, was captured in the autumn of the latter 
year, and another the ensuing spring.-^ So well directed 
and energetic were the blows of the Iroquois,^ that the 
total destruction of the Neutral Nation was speedily ac- 
complished. All the old men and children who were un- 
able to follow their captors, were put to death ; but the 
women were reserved to supply the waste occasioned by 
the war. The survivors were adopted by their conquer- 
ors ; and, as late as 1669, a small remnant was found by 
the Jesuit, Father Fremin, living within the limits of the 
present county of Ontario. 

Such were the predecessors of the Senecas. A little 
more than two centuries have elapsed since they lived and 
flourished in this locality, and no evidence of their occu- 
pancy now exists, save the rude mounds which mark their 
final resting places. Scarce a trace of their language re- 
mains, and we know only that they spoke a dialect 
kindred to that of the Senecas. Blotted out from among 
the nations, they have left one conspicuous and enduring 



^ Relation des Jesuites, 1651, p. 4. 



THE NIA GAR A FB ONTIER. 281 

memorial of their existence, in the name of the beautiful 
and noble river that divides their ancient domain.^ 

A long period intervened between the destruction of 
the Neutral Nation and the permanent occupation of their 
country by the Senecas. For more than a century, this 
beautiful region was abandoned to the undisturbed domin- 
ion of nature, save when traversed by the warrior on his 
predatory errand or the hunter in pursuit of game. A 
dense and unexplored wilderness extended from the Gene- 
see to the Niagara ; with but here and there an interval, 
where the oak openings let in the sunlight, or the prairie 
lured the deer and the elk to crop its luxuriant herbage. 

The Senecas continued to live east of the Genesee, in 
four principal villages, until the year 1687, when the Mar- 
quis De Nonville, then Governor of Canada, invaded their 
country with a powerful army ; and, after defeating them 
near the site of Victor, in Ontario County, drove them 
from their burning villages and laid waste their territo- 
ries.^ The humbled Senecas, influenced by superstition, 
never built a solitary cabin. Their abandoned homes 
long bore witness to that most disastrous era in the history 
of the confederacy. We next find them in scattered vil- 
lages on the banks of their favorite Je-nis -hi-yuh ; ^ in the 



' See " Last of the Kah-Kwas," Vol. I, p. 43.— Ed. 

*N. Y. Historical Collectious, second series, Vol. II, p. 180. 

^ Or Genesee, signifying Z»eai<^i/"w^, ^:)^easa7i^ wa^^ey. The key to 
the pronunciation of the Seneca names will be found in the Appen- 



dix. 

S6 



282 THE NIAGARA FRO NTIEU. 

fertile valley of which they resumed the cultivation of 
the maize, and recovered, in some degree, their former 
power and influence. 

During the Revolutionary war they espoused the Brit- 
ish cause. The atrocities they committed in their savage 
mode of warfare, culminated inl778 in the memorable mas- 
sacre at Wyoming ; and induced General Washington,, in 
imitation of De Nonville, to send an army for their 
chastisement. The famous expedition under General Sul- 
livan was organized for this purpose in 1779 ; which, pene- 
trating the heart of the Seneca country, resulted, for the 
time being, in their overthrow and complete dispersion. 
The proud and formidable nation fled, panic-stricken, from 
their " pleasant valley," abandoned their villages, and 
sought British protection under the guns of Fort Niagara. 
They never, as a nation, resumed their ancient seats along 
the Genesee, but sought and found a new home on the 
secluded banks and among the basswood forests of the 
Do'-syo-w^, or Buffalo Creek, whence they had driven the 
Neutral Nation one hundred and thirty years before. 

I have thus, with as much brevity as the nature of my 
subject would admit, noticed the aboriginal races that 
preceded us in the occupancy of this region. I consider 
this as an appropriate introduction to a historical sketch of 
the most prominent localities on the Niagara frontier, 
and of the various names by which they have been 
known. 

On the sixth day of December, 1678, a brigantine of ten 
tons, doubled the point where Fort Niagara now stands. 



THE NIA GAR A FR ONTIER. 283 

and anchored in the sheltered waters of the river.^ It had 
been sent at that inclement season from Fort Frontenac, 
now Kingston, by the Sieur De la Salle, in prosecution of 
the bold enterprises conceived by the intrepid discoverer, 
invL>lving the exploration of a vast and unknown country, 
in vessels built on the way. The crew consisted of six- 
teen persons, under the command of the Sieur De la Mott. 
'' Te Deum laudamus ! " arose from the deck of the vessel, 
as it entered the noble river. The strains of that ancient 
hymn of the church as they echoed from shore and forest, 
must have startled the watchful Senecas as they gazed 
upon their strange visitors. Never before had white man, 
so far as history tells us ascended the river. On its borders, 
the roving Indian still contended for supremacy with the 
scarce wilder beasts of the forest. All was yet primitive 
and unexplored. Dense woods overhung the banks, except 
at the site of the present fort, or at the Indian village oppo- 
site, where a few temporary cabins sheltered some fishing- 
parties of the Senecas. The stream in which the French 
were now anchored, they called by its Indian name, 
Niagara. It is the oldest of all the local geographical terms 
which have come down to us from the aborigines. It was 
not at first thus written by the English ; for with them it 
passed through almost every possible alphabetical varia- 
tion before its present orthography was established,^ We 



^ Hennepin, p. 74, Edition of 1698. 

^ Thirty -nine different modes of spelling Niagara are enumerated 
by Dr. O'Callaghan, N. Y. Colonial Documents, Index Volume, p, 
465. 



284 THE NIA a ABA FRONTIER. 

find its germ in the On gui-aah-ra of the Neutral Nation, 
as given by Father L'Allemant, in a letter dated in 1641, 
at the mission-station of Sainte Marie, on Lake Huron. 
In describing his visit to that people, he says : " From 
their first village, which is about forty leagues southerly 
from Sainte Marie, it is four days travel in a south-east- 
erly direction, to where the celebrated river of the Neu- 
tral Nation empties into Lake Ontario. On the west and 
not on the eastern side of said river, are the principal 
villages of that nation. There are three or four on the 
eastern side, extending from east to west toward the Eries 
or Cat Nation. This river," he adds, " is that by which 
our great lake of the Hurons is discharged, after having 
emptied into Lake Erie, or Lake of the Cat Nation, and 
it takes the name of On-gui-aah-ia, until it empties into 
Ontario or St. Louis Lake.^ 

The name of the river next occurs on Sanson's map of 
Canada, published in Paris in 1656, where it is spelled 
"Ongiara." Its first appearance as Niagara, is on Coro- 
nelli's map, published in Paris in 1688. From that time 
to the present, the French have been consistent in their 
orthography, the numerous variations alluded to, occur- 
ing only among English writers. The word was probably 
derived from the Mohawks, through whom the French 
had their first intercourse with the Iroquois. The Mo- 
hawks pronounce it Nyah'-ga-ra/i', with the primary ac- 
cent on the first syllable, and the secondary on the last. 
Some controversy has existed concerning its signification. 



'Relation, 1641, p. 71. 



THE NIAGARA FRONTIER. 285 

It is probably the same both in the Neutral and Mo- 
hawk languages, as they were kindred dialects of one 
generic tongue. The Mohawks affirm it to mean neck, in 
allusion to its connecting the two lakes. The correspond- 
ing Seneca name, NyaA'-gaa^,^ was always confined by 
the Iroquois to the section of the river below the Falls, 
and to Lake Ontario. That portion of the river above the 
Falls^ being sometimes called Gai-gwaa^-ge/?, — one of their 
names for Lake Erie. 

The name Niagara was sometimes applied, by the early 
historians, not only to the river, but to a defensive work 
and group of Indian cabins, which stood at or near the 
site of the present village of Lewiston. La Salle con- 
structed, at this point, a cabin of palisades to serve as a 
magazine or storehouse. In order to allay the jealousies 
which the work excited among the Senecas, he sent an 
embassy to Tegarondies, the principal village of the con- 
federacy, then located on what is now known as Boughton 
Hill, near Victor, in Ontario County. They reached it 
in five days, after a march in mid-winter of tliirty-two 
leagues on snowshoes, during which they subsisted only 
on parched corn. There they found the Jesuits, Garnier 
and Raffeix, who had been resident missionaries since 1669. 
A council was held with the Senecas, and presents inter- 
changed, but without favorable result. The French re- 
traced their steps to their camp on the river, worn out 



^ The signification of this Seneca word is lost. It is probably de- 
rived fronci the name conferred by the Neutral Nation. 

' N. Y. Colonial Documents, Vol. V., p. 800, and IX., p. 999. 



286 THE NIA GAR A FB ONTIEB. 

with the hardships of the way, and glad to exchange their 
meagre diet for the delicious white-fish just then in season.* 

No regular defensive work was constructed in the vicin- 
ity, until the Marquis De Nonville, on his return from the 
expedition before alluded to, fortified the tongue of land 
which lies between the lake and river, and thus founded 
the present fort. The French General describes the posi- 
tion as " the most beautiful, pleasing and advantageous 
on the whole lake." As early as 1686, he had proposed 
to his Government to erect a stone structure at this point, 
sufficient for a garrison of five hundred men, but received 
no favorable response. Many difficulties were en- 
countered in the erection of the new fortress. As the 
place was barren of suitable wood, palisades were cut at a 
distance, floated to the adjacent beach, and drawn up, 
with great labor, to the top of the bank. The work was 
finally completed, and culled, after its founder, Fort De 
Nonville. It subsequently appears on some of the maps 
as Fort Conty, after a prince of that name, who was a 
patron of Tonti, one of La Salle's companions ; but Niag- 
ara soon became its exclusive and more appropriate desig- 
nation. De Nonville left in the fort a garrison of one 
hundred men, who were compelled by sickness to abandon 
it the followitig season, after having partially destroyed it. 
They left many of its buildings in a habitable condition, 
as may be learned from a curious inventory and statement 



1 For a detailed account of this expedition, by the same author, 
see Vol. I., p. 260.— Ed. 



THB JSriA GAR A Fit ON'TIEH. 287 

drawn up at the time of the evacuation.^ No measures ap- 
pear to have been taken for its reconstruction until 1725 ; 
when, by consent of the Iroquois, it was commenced in 
stone, and finished the following year. The " old mess- 
house " is a relic of that year. 

The French having, through the influence of Joncaire, 
obtained the consent of the Senecas, rebuilt their store 
house at Lewiston, in 1719-20. It formed a block-house 
forty feet long, by thirty wide, enclosed with palisades, 
musket proof, and pierced with port-holes. Around this 
nucleus gathered a cluster of ten Seneca cabins ; and 
patches of corn, beans, squashes and melons were soon 
under cultivation. Father Charlevoix visited the spot in 
1721, while on his extensive tour along the lakes ; and 
has left quite an exaggerated description of the ridge at 
Lewiston, which he calls "a frightful mountain, that hides 
itself in the clouds, on which the Titans might attempt to 
scale the heavens ! " ^ 

The block-house must have soon fallen to decay, for we 
find Louis XV. proposing to rebuild it in 1727,^ but the 
project was abandoned the next year. 

This locality was always considered an important point 
in the early history of the Niagara frontier.' Here was 
the commencement of the portage around the Falls, where 
all the goods in process of transportation between the lakes 



' N. Y. Colonial Documents, Vol. IX, p. 386. 

* Charlevoix's Journal, Vol. II., p. 345. 

^ N. Y. Colonial Documents, Vol. IX., p. 964. 



288 TSE NIA GAR A FR ONTIER. 

underwent transhipment. The traveled road pursued, as 
now, a zig-zag course up the mountain ridge ; but the 
heavy goods were raised or lowered in a sliding car or 
cradle, moved on an inclined plane by a windlass. The 
remains of the old tram-way were visible at a late period, 
and, possibly, may still be seen. The ascent of the ledge 
at this point was so difficult, that long before the railway 
was constructed, the Senecas called it Du/i'-jili-he/i'-oh, 
which signifies, literally, walking on all fours-, in allusion 
to the postures assumed by the French and Indians while 
climbing the steep acclivity under their heavy burdens. 
Hennepin calls it " the three mountains," trois montagnes^ 
referring to the high river-bank and the two terraces 
above it, which form the mountain ridge. When Kalm 
arrived there in 1750, he found one of the Joncaires still 
a resident. Over two hundred Senecas were then em- 
ployed in carrying furs over the portage, at the rate of 
twenty pence a pack for the entire distance.^ There were 
three warehouses at the foot of the ridge in 1759, and 
one at its summit ; all used for storing the goods in 
transitu. 

Opposite Fort Niagara, on the Canada side of the river, 
is Mississauga Point, so called after one of the Algonkin 
tribes that formerly resided in the vicinity.^ The present 



^ Hennepin, p. 113. Edition 1698. 

' Kalm's letter in Annual Register, Vol. II., p. 389. 

* An Indian village existed here at the time of La Salle's first visit 
in leYG. 



THE NIA a A BA FR ONTIER. 289 

village of Niagara was known in 1780, by the name of 
Butlersbury, after Colonel Butler, of Wyoming notoriety,^ 
It was afterward called Newark, after the place of that 
name in New Jersey, and West Niagara and British 
Niagara. In 1792, it became the residence of the Lieu- 
tenant-Governor of Canada, and in the autumn of that 
year, the first session of the Parliament of the Upper Pro- 
vince was held there. It is an older settlement than any 
on the eastern side of the river, and boasted a weekly 
newspaper as early as 1793.^ About one mile above 
Newark, a defensive work was built by the British, at 
the close of the last century, called Fort George. Be- 
tween this and the river was a storehouse, bearing the 
high sounding name of Navy Hall ; and near the latter 
stood the residence of Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe. 

Queenston, so called in honor of Queen Charlotte, 
had no earlier name, though the locality was frequently 
noticed by the first explorers. Hennepin speaks of it as 
" the great rock," la grosse roche,^ referring to an immense 
mass, which, becoming detached from the brow of the 
mountain, had fallen into the river below. It is now 
plainly visible under the western end 6f the lower suspen- 
sion bridofe. 



^ Gilbert's narrative, p. 62. Col. Butler died in 1796. Merritt's 

MS. 

^ Called the Upper Canada Gazette, or, American Oracle. The 
first number appeared April 18, 1793. 

^ Hennepin, p. 113. Edition 1698. 
37 



290 THE RI A GAR A FRONTIER 

The Devil's Hole and the Whirlpool are not noticed by 
any of the early travelers- The former is more partic- 
ularly celebrated as the scene of a well known bloody 
tragedy, iu 1763. Its Seneca name, Dyus-d^'-nya^-goh, 
signifies, the cleft rocks} The Bloody Run, which falls 
over the precipice at this point, derives its present name 
from the same tragic occurrence, though the Indians have 
no term to distinguish it from the Devil's Hole. Their 
name for the whirlpool, Dyu-no'-wa-da-se', means, literally, 
the current goes round. 

It has already been stated, that the Indians, whom 
Cartier met in the Gulf of St. Lawrence in 1535, alluded, 
in their description of the interior of the continent, to a 
" cataract and portage," at the western extremity of Lake 
Ontario. This is the first historical notice of Niagara 
Falls. Seventy-eight years afterward, Champlain pub- 
lished an account of his voyages in Canada, illustrated by 
a map of the country, on which the several lakes, as far 
west as Lake Huron, are laid down, though in very er- 
roneous outline.^ It distinctly shows the river Niagara, 
interrupted by a waterfall, and intersected by an elevation 
of land, answering to the mountain ridge at Lewiston. 
It contains no specific name for the cataract, but calls it 
saut d'eau, or waterfall. Champlain describes it as " so 
very high that many kinds of fish are stunned in its de- 
scent ! " 



^ The river-bank is cleft by the action of the Bloody Run. 
^ Edition of 1632. 



THE NIAGARA FRONTIER. 291 

The next notice of the cataract is by the Jesuit, Father 
Ragueneau, who, in a letter to the Superior of the Mis- 
sions at Paris, dated in 1648, says, "North of the Eries 
is a great lake, about two hundred leagues in circumfer- 
ence, called Erie, formed by the discharge of the mer-douce, 
or Lake Huron, and which falls into a third lake, called 
Ontario, over a cataract of frightful height."^ 

Hennepin is the first who published a detailed descrip- 
tion of this remarkable waterfall. He first saw it in the 
winter of 1678-9, and accompanies his description by an 
engraved sketch,^ evidently drawn from memory, as it em- 
braces a bird's-eye view of the whole river, as far as Lake 
Erie, with the Qrijfon in the distance. The two falls, with 
Goat Island between, and Table Rock, are very well de- 
lineated, though the height is much exaggerated. A 
group of Frenchmen, viewing the cataract from the Ame- 
rican side, are represented as stopping their ears to shut 
out the deafening sound. 

No doubt the Falls were visited at an earlier date by 
numerous traders and voyageurs, but no record of the fact 
exists. The Niagara was not a favorite route to the far 
west, the Ottawa being shorter and safer for a canoe 
voyage ; an easy portage connecting its head-waters with 
Lake Huron. The fatiguing transit around the Falls, and 
the hostility of the warlike Iroquois, were formidable 
obstacles to the more southern course. 



^ Jesuit Relatious, 1648, p. 46. 

=* Hennepin, p. 116. Edition of 1698, 



292 THE NIAGARA FRONTIER. 

The Senecas call the cataract, Det-ga/i-skoh-ses, signify- 
ing the 'place of the high fall. They never call it Niagara, 
nor by any similar term ; neither does that word signify 
in their language thunder of waters, as affirmed by School- 
craft.^ Such a meaning would be eminently poetic, but 
truth is of higher importance. 

The picturesque Islands which add so much to the 
beauty and unrivaled scenery of the Falls, must have 
challenged the admiration and stimulated the curiosity of 
the early visitor. Equally attractive at all seasons, 
whether arrayed in summer verdure, autumnal tints or 
winter dress,^ they reposed like fairy creations, amid the 
turmoil of the impetuous rapids, isolated and apparently 
secure from human intrusion or profanation. Traditions 
exist of early Indian visits to the larger one, which are 
confirmed by a deposit of human bones discovered near its 
head. The access was from the river above, through the 
still water between the divided currents. Judge Porter 
first landed there in 1806, and found several dates carved 
on a beech, the earliest of which was 1769. He purchased 
the entire group from the State in 1816, and during the 
following year, built the first bridge which connected them 
with the main land. Stedman had cleared a small field 



* Tour to the Lakes, p. 32. 

^ Those who visit Niagara in summer only, see but half its beauties. 
In winter, the spray, congealed by frost on every tree, bush and rock, 
glitters with diamond luster in the sunlight ; while, in the gulf 
below, cones, pyramids and towers, immense stalactites and frost- 
work in every variety of form, are produced by the falling waters. 



THE NIAGARA FRONTIER. 293 

near the upper end of the largest, and colonized it with a 
few animalsj including a venerable goat. The latter was 
the only survivor of the severe winter of 1779-80, in com- 
memoration of which the island received its present name. 
The Boundary Commissioners under the Treaty of Ghent, 
gave to it the more poetic title, Iris Island, but the earlier 
one was destined to prevail. 

Judge Porter was one of the earliest settlers at the Falls, 
haviag erected his first dwelling there in 1809-10. He 
foresaw the unrivaled a,d vantages of the position, and se- 
cured, at an early day, the fee of a large tract of land in 
the vicinity. In addition to his dwelling, he erected mills 
on the site where Lieutenant DePeyster built a saw-mill 
in 1767, and which Stedman subsequently occupied for 
the same purpose. He also constructed a rope- walk for 
the manufacture of rigging, for Porter, Barton & Co.,^ who 
were then the principal carriers over the portage, and 
ov/ned or controlled nearly all the trading vessels on the 
two lakes and river. All kinds of rigging, and cables 
of the largest size required, were here manufactured. 
Much of the hemp then used, was raised by the Wads- 
worths on the Genesee liats. Such was the scarcity of 
men in the then new country, that the Judge was in- 
debted to Captain Armistead of Fort Niagara, for a com- 
pany of one hundred men, to assist him in raising the 
heavy frame of his mill. It proved to be expensive aid, 
for the soldiers stripped his garden of all its fruit, then 

^ This well known firm was composed of Augustus Porter, Peter 
B. Poner, Benjamin Barton and Joseph Aunin. 



294 THE NIAGARA FRONTIER. 

very fine and abundant. All his buildings, embracing 
dwelling, mills and rope walk, shared in the general con- 
flagration on the frontier in 1813. 

The village on the American side of the Falls, has been 
known as Grand Niagara and Manchester, and is now in- 
corporated under the name of Niagara Falls. 

Fort Schlosser was named after Capt. Joseph Schlosser, 
a native of Germany, who served in the British army in 
the campaign against Fort Niagara in 1759.^ Sir William 
Johnson found him at Schlosser in 1761. He must have 
remained until the autumn of 1763; for it is stated by 
Loskiel ^ and Heckewelder, that he arrived at Philadelphia 
in January, 1764, having just returned from Niagara with 
a detachment from General Gage's army. Heckewelder 
pays a high tribute to his humanity and manly qualities.^ 

The earlier names of the post were. Fort du Portage, 
Little Fort and Little Niagara.* It was not built until 
1750. In the summer of that year, the younger Chabert 
Joncaire, informed the Senecas that the French govern- 
ment intended to build a fort at the south end of the 
portage above Niagara Falls. The project was carried 
into effect the same season, and we find that Joncaire 
Clauzonne, brother of Chabert, was appointed its com- 

1 N. Y. Col. Doc, Vol. X, p. 731, n. 5. 
' Loskiel's Missions, p. 222. 
^ Heckewelder's Narrative, p. 83. 
* N. y. Col. Doc, Vol. VII, p. 621. 



THE NIA GAR A FR ONTIER. 295 

mandant.^ In 1755, it was called Fisher's Battery.^ 
When Sir William Johnson invested Fort Niagara in 1 759, 
Chabert Joncaire seems to have been in command at Fort 
Schlosser, his brother Clauzonne being then with him. On 
the fall of the former fortress, Fort Schlosser was burnt, 
and its garrison was withdrawn to the Chippewa river, on 
the opposite side. It must have been speedily rebuilt by 
the British, for we find Captain Schlosser stationed there 
soon after in command of a garrison. The fort then con- 
sisted of an enclosure of upright palisades, protecting a few 
store-houses and barracks. Alexander Henry, who visited 
it in 17u4, calls it a " stockaded post."^ The plough has 
obliterated all traces of its existence, save some inequalities 
in the surface where it stood, plainly visible from the 
neighboring railroad. The tall, antique chimney which 
rises from the adjacent buildings, is not, as generally 
supposed, a relic of the fort, but of barracks, constructed 
by the French, and destroyed by Joncaire, on his retreat 
in 1759. The same chimney was subsequently used by 
the English when they re-established the post. The dwell- 
ing they erected was afterwards occupied by Stedman, who 
was a contractor at the portage from 1760 until after the 
peace of 1783. He probably remained until after Fort 
Niagara was delivered to the United States by the British 
authorities in 1796, when he removed to the Canadian 
side. He left his "improvements" in charge of a man 



' Lewis Evans' map. 

^ N. Y. Col. Doc, Vol. VI, p. 608, 706. 

' Travels, p. 183. 



296 TBE NIAGARA FUONTIEU. 

known as Jesse Ware. They are described by a visitor 
at that early day, as consisting of seventeen hundred acres, 
about one-tenth partially cleared, an indifierent dwelling, 
a fine barn, saw-raill, and a well fenced apple orchard con- 
taining twelve hundred trees. ^ 

There appear to have been tbree brotbers by tbe name 
of Stedman — John, Philip and William. Tbe traveler 
Maude found John at Schlosser in 1800. While master 
of the portage, he accompanied the wagons and their 
escort, at the time of tbe massacre at the Devil's Hole in 
September, 1763, before alluded to. It was a return train, 
embracing about ninety persons, under tbe command of 
Lieutenant Don Campbell of the Royal American Eegi- 
ment, which had been transporting supplies from Fort 
Niagara for the use of the garrison at Detroit. Only 
three persons escaped ; a drummer-boy, by the name of 
Matthews,^ who lodged in a tree as he fell over the preci- 
pice ; a wounded driver, who lay concealed in some ever- 
greens near by ; and Stedman himself, who being well 
mounted, forced his way through the Indians and fled 
amid a shower of bullets, to Fort Schlosser. Two com- 
panies of troops that were stationed at Lewiston, hearing 
t]ie firing, hastened to their relief. The wily Senecas, 
anticipating the reinforcement, lay in ambush, and all but 
eight of the party fell by the rifle or tomahawk. The 
entire garrison of Fort Niagara were then despatched to 
the scene, but arrived only to find the ghastly and mangled 

^ Voyage par Hector St. John, Vol. 11, p. 153. 

" Matthews died in Canada, near Niagara, in 1821, aged 74. 



THE NIA GAR A FR ONTIER. 297 

remains of their slaughtered comrades. The attack was 
made on the train while it was crossing the small bridge 
over Bloody Run, so called after the tragedy. 

The Seneca S ichem, John Blacksmith, informed the 
writer that the party which made the attack, were young 
warriors from the Genesee, who, instigated by the French 
traders, secretly organized the expedition under the leader- 
ship of Farmer's Brother, without the knowledge of their 
chiefs. Eighty scalps, including those of six officers, were 
their bloody trophies. 

The Senecas, attributing the preservation of Stedman to 
some miraculous interposition, and believing that he wore 
a charmed life, conferred upon him the name of Ga-nas- 
squa/i, signifying stone giants The story that they gave 
him all the land lying between the river and the line of 
his flight, embracing about five thousand acres, is undoubt- 
edly a fiction. The pretended grant was the foundation 
of the " Stedman claim," which was subsequently urged 
upon the State authorities with much pertinacity. If 
really made, it seems never to have been ratified by the 
Senecas, for at a formal treaty made with them by Sir 
William Johnson at Johnson Hall, in April of the follow- 
ing year, signed by Farmer's Brother and Old Smoke, it 
was not only not alluded to ; but on the contrary, a strip 
of land four miles wide on the east side of the river, com- 
mencing at Lake Ontario and extending southerly to Gill 
Creek, embracing the entire Stedman claim, was ceded in 
perpetuity to his Britannic Majesty.^ Stedman peti- 

^ N. Y. Col. Doc, Vol. VII, p. 621. 
38 



TEE NIA OABA FB ONTIER. 

tioned the Legislature in 1800, to confirm the pretended 
grant, but without success. He recites in his memorial, 
that he took possession of the premises in 1760, and soon 
after met with a great loss from the Indians ; that as a 
compensation therefor, the chiefs gave him a deed of the 
tract containing 4,983 acres, which he had continued to 
improve for forty years ; that the deed had perished with 
the papers of Sir William Johnson, which had been buried 
in an iron chest at Johnson Hall. A bill passed the 
Assembly, giving him the land he had actually improved, 
but it failed in the Senate. The buildings on the premises 
had suffered much from decay as early as 1800, and the 
adjacent fort was in ruins. The old orchard was still pro- 
ductive, the overplus yield bringing five hundred dollars 
in a single season ; but the boys crossing from the Canada 
side, plundered most of the fruit. ^ 

The portage road commenced at the Lewiston landing, 
and followed the river until it reached the small depression 
just north of the present suspension bridge. Diverging 
from this, it intersected the river above the Falls, a short 
distance east of the Stedman house, and followed its bank 
for about forty rods to the fort above. Midway between 
the house and fort, were a dock, a warehouse, and a group 
of square-timbered, whitewashed log-cabins, used by the 
teamsters, boatmen and engagees connected with the 
portage.^ 



* Maude's Niagara, p. 146. 

' Manuscript letter of Hon. A. S. Porter. 



THE NIA GA BA FE ON TIER. 299 

About half a mile below the Stedman house, near the 
head of the present hydraulic canal, is the old French 
landing, where goods were transhipped when only canoes 
were used, and where the portage road terminated before 
Fort Schlosser was built. Along the road, between the 
fort and Lewiston, block houses were erected about twelve 
hundred yards apart, to protect the teams from disasters 
such as had occurred at the Devil's Hole. The remains 
of some of these were quite recently in existence. 

Judge Porter leased the Stedman farm from the State 
in 1805, the agent Ware, being still in possession. He 
was ejected with some difficulty. Legal steps were taken, 
but owing to the unsettled state of the country, and the 
difficulty of executing process in a region so remote from 
civilization, recourse was had to " Judge Lynch," before 
possession was finally obtained.^ Judge Porter occupied 
the dwelling during the years 1806-7 and 8, when he re- 
moved to the Falls. He was succeeded by Enos Boughton, 
one of the first pioneers on the Holland Purchase, who 
opened a tavern for the accommodation of early visitors to 
tlie Falls, and travelers en route for the great west. It 
became the headquarters in all that region, for military 
musters, general trainings and Fourth of July celebrations. 
The buildings were destroyed by the British in December, 
1813; but the old chimney was suffered to remain, con- 
spicuous among the surrounding ruins, a weather beaten 
memorial of the ruthless desolation of war. 



^ Manuscript letter of Hon. A. S. Porter, 



300 THE NIA a ABA FB ONTIEB. 

Gill Creek, so named from its diminutive size, and called 
also Cayuga Creek,^ and Stedman's Creek, derives its only 
importance from being named as a boundary in some of 
the early Indian treaties.'^ 

Chippewa Creek, nearly opposite Fort Schlosser, is called 
by the Senecas, Jo'- no-dak, signifying shallow ivater ; prob- 
ably referring to an old fording-place at the mouth of the 
creek. Poucliot, in his narrative of the siege of Fort 
Niagara, calls it Chenondac, evidently the same name, 
and describes its banks as abounding in fine timber, suit- 
able for ship-building.^ It was named Chippewa, after the 
Ojibway — otherwise called Mississauga — Indians, who for- 
merly lived on its banks. The Canadian government by 
proclamation in 1792, gave it the name of Welland River, 
but it did not pass into general use. The earliest notice 
of the stream is found in the narrative of Father Hennepin, 
who, while seeking a site suitable for building the Griffon, 
encamped on its banks in the winter of 1678-9. He says, 
" it runs from the west, and empties into the Niagara 
within a league above the great fall." He found the snow 
a foot deep, and was obliged to remove it before building 
his camp-fire. The narrative incidentally mentions the 
abundance of deer and wild turkeys that were found in 
the vicinity.^ 



^ Savary's Journal, p. 360. 

^ Treaty at Canandaigua in 1794. 

' Pouchot, Vol. Ill, p. 174. 

* Hennepin, p. 15. Edition of 1693. 



THE JSriA GABA FRONTIER. 301 

The Seneca name for Navy Island, Ga-o'-go-wa/i-waa^, 
signifies Tlie hig canoe island. This is in allusion to the 
vessels built there by the French at an early day, for use 
on the lakes. Hence the French name Isle-la-Marine, and 
the English name, Navy Island. It contains about three 
hundred acres. A tradition still exists among the Senecas 
that a brass cannon was mounted on one of the vessels.-' 
It was there the French reinforcements arrived from Ve- 
nango for the relief of Fort Niagara, during its siege by 
Sir William Johnson. The English built two vessels on 
the island, in 1764, one of which was accidentally burned 
there in 1767. The island has since become celebrated, 
as the rendezvous of the Patriot forces during the Canadian 
rebellion of 1838. 

Grand Island is called by the Senecas, Ga-we'-not, signi- 
fying The Great Island. It is mentioned by Hennepin 
under its present name.^ At its northern extremity, in a 
sheltered bay, the remains of two vessels may now be seen 
at low water, which, tradition says, belonged to the French, 
and were burnt at the time Fort Niagara capitulated, to 
prevent their falling into the hands of the English. This 
has given origin to the name Burnt Ship Bay, I have 
been unable, however, to find any historical verification of 
this tradition. Sir William Johnson, while on his way 
west, in August, 1761, encamped for the night on the 
west side of this island, at the mouth of a creek now called 



^ A brass six-pounder was placed on one of the British vessels 
in 1764. Governor Sinacoe's manuscript letter to Colonel England, 

^ Hennepin, p. 49. Edition of 1696, 



302 THE NIAGARA FRONTIER. 

Six Mile Creek, which he describes as a fine position, 
affording an eligible situation for a house, and a good har- 
bor for boats. He called it Point Pleasant, — a name, the 
origin of which certainly entitles it to perpetuation. The 
Baronet makes special mention of the fine oaks with which 
the island abounded.^ 

Cayuga Creek was so named by the Senecas. In 
January, 1679, La Salle and his companions constructed 
a dock at its mouth, and laid the keel of the Griffon — the 
first vessel built on our western waters. The site chosen 
was just above the creek, close to the river bank.^ 

In commemoration of the enterprise, the name of " La 
Salle " has been conferred upon the small village and post- 
office at this locality. The same site was selected by the 
United States government about the year 1804, for the 
construction of a small sloop of fifty tons burden, called 
the Niagara, which was used for conveying supplies to the 
western posts. The vessel was subsequently purchased by 
Porter, Barton & Co., re-built at Black Rock, and named 
the Nancy, after the wife of the late Benjamin Barton, one 
of the partners.^ While bearing the latter name she was 
commanded by Captain Richard O'Neil, and went out of 
commission just before the war of 1812. 



^ Stone's Johnson, Vol. II., ^. 45. 

' A full account of the building of the Griffon, identifying the 
site, will be found ante p. 73. 

* Mrs. Barton was usually called Nancy, but her baptismal name 
was Agnes. 



THE NIA a ABA FR ONTIER. 303 

Tonawanda Creek was so called by the Senecas, after 
the rapids at their village a few miles above its mouth, 
the name Ta-no'-wan-de/i signifying literally, a rough stream 
or current. The French called it, "La riviere aux bois 
blanc," or " whitewood river." On the early maps it is 
called Maskinongez, that being the Chippewa name for 
the muskelunge, a fish once abundant in the stream. 

The Senecas have a different name for Tonawanda Is- 
land. They call it Ni-ga'-we-na/i-o-ah, signifying The 
Small Island. It contains less than one hundred acres. 
Its upper end having a fine elevation above the surface of 
the river, was an occasional camping ground of the Senecas, 
before their final settlement in this region. Philip Ken- 
jockety (hereafter more particularly noticed), claims to 
have been born there, while his father's family, then resid- 
ing on the Genesee, were on one of their annual hunting 
expeditions. 

Two negro brothers lived at an early day, at the mouth 
of Cornelius Creek, just below Lower Black Rock. They 
were supposed to be runaway slaves. The elder was called 
by the Senecas, 0-ga/i'-gwaa7«, signifying Sun Fish, on ac- 
count of a red spot in one of his eyes, resembling that in 
the eye of the fish. Hence they called the creek, 0-ga/i'- 
gwaaA'-geh, the residence of Sun Fish. He was shrewd and 
intelligent ; became a trader in cattle with parties in Can- 
ada and at Fort Niagara ; chose a wife among the Seneca 
maidens, and acquired considerable property. The notori- 
ous Ebenezer Allen married one of his daughters, and 
added her to his extensive harem on the Genesee. The 



304 THE NIA GAR A FR ONTIER. 

younger negro was called So-wak, or Duch. Both died 
more than half a century ago, leaving numerous descend- 
ants, some now living on the Tonawanda Reservation.^ 

Kenjockety Creek was not so named by the Senecas. 
They called it Ga-noh'-gwaZit-geh, after a peculiar kind of 
wild grass, that grew near its borders. " The name Ken- 
jockety," written in Seneca, Sga-dyuh-gvva-dih, was given 
by the whites, after an Indian family they found living on 
its banks. Its literal signification is BeijonJ the multitude. 
John Kenjockety, the head of the family, was the son of a 
Kah-kwa, or Neutral Indian, whose father had been taken 
prisoner by the Senecas in the war which resulted in the 
extermination of his people. This occurred at the capture 
of one of the Kah-kwa villages, located on a branch of 
Eighteen Mile Creek, near White's Corners in this county. 
His family wigwams were on the north bank of Kenjock- 
ety Creek, a little east of the present Niagara street. 
They obtained their water for domestic use from the river, 
then fordable at low water to Squaw Island. The creek 
still retains among the whites the name they first gave it — 
the Senecas adhering to the more ancient designation. 
The old chief must have been a man of more than ordi- 
nary consideration among his people. The Rev. Mr. 
Kirkland mentions him in the journal of his tour to Buf- 
falo Creek in 1788. He writes his name "Skendyough- 
gwatti," and styles him " the second man of influence and 



^ Life of Mary Jemison, pp. 124-129. Turner's Phelps & Gor- 
ham's Purchase, p. 406. 



THE NIAGARA FRONTIER. 305 

character among the Senecas at Buffalloe."^ His name is 
appended to a letter addressed to Governor George Clinton 
in 1789, remonstrating against some unauthorized sales of 
Indian lands. ^ The Hon. Augustus Porter, who surveyed 
the boundary line of the " Gore," between the Seneca Reser- 
vation and Lake Erie, stated to the writer that he was ac- 
companied during the survey *■ by an old Indian named 
Scaugh-juh-quatty," who had been appointed by the Sen- 
ecas to act with Red Jacket for that purpose. They indi- 
cated the edge of the swamp as the line for Judge Porter 
to follow, by preceding him from tree to tree, thereby 
carefully excluding what is called " the Tiift farm, " 
and the remainder of the '• Flats," as comparatively of no 
value. This will account for the zigzag course of the line 
in question. 

Kenjockety continued to reside on the creek, until about 
the commencement of the present century, cultivating his 
corn-field on Squaw Island, and drawing abundant subsist- 
ence for himself and family from the river and the forest. 
The survey of " Mile-strip " by the State authorities, and 
the arrival of the pioneers of Buffalo, disturbed his tranquil 
home, and compelled him to remove to the Reservation, 
where he finally settled on the bank of Buffalo Creek, near 
the present iron bridge. Becoming dissipated in his old 
age, he perished miserably by the roadside, from the effects 



Kirkland's MS. Journal in N. Y. State Libraiy. 

Hougli's Indian Treaties, Vol. II., p. 331. 
39 



306 THE NIA GA EA FR ONTIEU. 

of intoxication, while on his way home from Buffalo in 
October, 1808. 

Squaw Island was called by the Senecas De-dyo'-we-no'- 
guh-doh, signifying a dimded island, referring to its division 
by the marshy creek known as " Smuggler's Run."^ It 
was presented by the Nation to Captain Parish, their fav- 
orite agent and interpreter, as an acknowledgment, says 
the record, of his many services in their behalf. The gift 
was ratified by the Legislature, in 1816, though the Captain 
was required to pay the State at the rate of two dollars per 
acre before he obtained his patent. He sold the island to 
Henry P. Penfield, Esq., in 1823. Captain Parish and his 
colleague. Captain Jones, had each previously obtained a 
donation of a mile square on the river, now known as 
the Jones and Parish Tracts, and lying within the present 
bounds of our city. The Legislature was induced to make 
this grant, by that touching and effective petition dictated 
by Farmer's Brother, which has so often been cited as a 
specimen of Indian eloquence.^ 

Bird Island was originally several feet above the river 
level ; rocky at its lower end, and partially covered with 
tall trees. Corn was cultivated on its upper end by Ken- 
jockety's father. The Island has entirely disappeared, the 
rock which composed it having been used in the construc- 
tion of the Black Rock pier. Its Seneca name, Dyos-da-o- 



^ Philip Keujockety stated to the writer that he has often passed 
through this creek in his canoe, on his way to Canada. 

* Copied in Turner's Holland Land Company Purchase, p. 291. 



THE NIAGARA FRONTIER. 307 

doh, signifies Rocky Island. It was called " Bird Island " 
by the whites because of the multitude of gulls and other 
aquatic birds that frequented it at certain seasons,^ 

Black Rock being a convenient crossing place on the 
Niagara, became an important locality at an early day. 
Its history has been fully illustrated in an able and inter- 
esting paper entitled " The Old Ferry," read before the 
Buffalo Historical Society by Charles D. Norton, Esq.^ 
Its Seneca name, Dyo3-d^<J^'-ga-e/i, signifying rocky hank^ 
is a compound word, embracing also the idea of a place 
where the lake rests upon or against a rocky bank. Its 
English name comes from the dark corniferous limestone 
which outcrops at this locality, and, underlying the bed 
of the river, composes the dangerous reef at the head of 
the rapids. 

Prior to the commencement of the present century, the 
usual route between Buffalo Greek and the Falls was on 
the Canada side, crossing at Black Rock The Rev. Sam- 
uel Kirkland traveled it in 1788, and the Duke of Lian- 
court in 1795. 

Fort Erie was originally built by Colonel Bradstreet. as 
a depot for provisions, while on his expedition against the 
Western Indians in the summer of 1764. It was located 
some distance below the modern fort. The part facing the 
river was built of stone, surmounted by squared pickets. 
The rest was stockaded. Bradstreet states in a letter to 



^ Campbell's Life of Clinton, p. 128. 
* See Vol. I., p. 91. 



308 THE NIAGARA FRONTIER. 

General Amherst, still unpublished/ that " when he ar- 
rived at the locality he found no harbor. That vessels were 
compelled to lie at anchor in the open lake, exposed to 
every storm, and liable to be lost. In addition to this, 
they were obliged to send more than twenty miles for their 
loading; that on examining the north shore, he found a 
suitable place to secure the vessels by the help of a wharf 
just above the rapids." " A Post," he adds, "is now build- 
ing there, and all that can will be done toward finishing it 
this season." He further says, that " to avoid giving 
offence to the Senecas savages, to whom the land belongs, 
I have desired Sir William Johnson to ask it of them, and 
they have granted it." This letter is dated August 4, 
1764. The treaty between Sir William and the Senecas 
bears date two days after, at Fort Niagara, and cedes to 
His Majesty all the land, four miles wide, on each side of 
the river, between Fort Schlosser and the rapids of Lake 
Erie. The islands in the river were excepted by the 
Indians, and bestowed upon Sir William " as proof," says 
the record, '' of their regard, and of their knowledge of the 
trouble he has had with them from time to time." Sir 
William accepted the gift, but, like a good subject, humbly 
laid it as an offering at the feet of his sovereign.^ 

The foundations of the present fort were laid in 1791.^ 
It must have been a rude fortification, as originally con- 



^ Bradstreet's Manuscripts, N. Y. State Library. 
^ F. Y. Col. Doc, Vol. VII., p. 647. 
^ Indian State Papers, Vol. I., j). 160. 



THE NIAGARA FRONTIER. 309 

structed, for the Duke of Liancourt describes it in 1795, 
as a cluster of buildings surrounded with rough, crazy 
palisades, destitute of ramparts, covered ways, or earth- 
works. Outside of the fort were a few log houses for the 
shelter of the officers, soldiers and workmen. There was 
also a large government warehouse, with an overhanging 
story pierced with loop-holes for the use of musketry.^ 
The stone portion, the ruins of which still remain, was 
built in 1806, in the form of a quadrangle, and subse- 
quently enlarged to more formidable dimensions. The 
Indian name of the locality, Gai-gwaa/i-ge/i, signifies The 
'place of hats. Seneca tradition relates, as its origin, that 
in olden time, soon after the first visit of the white man, 
a battle occurred on the lake between a party of French 
in batteaux and Indians in canoes. The latter were 
victorious, and the French boats were sunk and the crews 
drowned. Their hats floated ashore where the fort was 
subsequently built, and attracting the attention of the 
Indians from their novelty, they called the locality " t he 
place of hats." 

In the summer of 1687, the Baron La Hontan ascended, 
in his birchen canoe, the rapids of the Niagara into Lake 
Erie, on his way to the far West.^ Appreciating with 
military eye, this commanding locality, he recommended 
it to the French Government as suitable for a fort, and 
marked it " Fort Suppose " on the map which illustrates 
his journal. This is the earliest historical notice of the 



^ Voyage par Liancourt., Vol. II., p. 4. 

" La Hontan, English edition, Vol. I, p. 82. 



310 THE NIAGARA FRONTIER. 

site of Buffalo. No attention appears to have been paid 
to the recommendation, and for more than a century it 
remained in undisturbed repose, its soKtudes unbroken by 
the axe of the woodman, or the tread of advancing civil- 
ization. Yoyageurs, traders and missionaries passed and re- 
passed on the river, but make no mention of even an Indian 
encampment. Nor does Sir William Johnson, who ascended 
the outlet into the lake on his way west in August, and 
returned in October, 1761.^ 

It has already been mentioned that the Senecas lied to 
Fort Niagara in 1779 before the invading forces of General 
Sullivan, and settled the following year on the banks of 
the Buffalo Creek. A single survivor of that fugitive band 
is now living on the Cattaraugus Reservation, in the person 
of the venerable Philip Keujockety, a son of the John 
Kenjockety previously mentioned. When the writer saw 
him in June, 1864, he appeared strong and vigorous, being 
employed at the time in piling hemlock bark. His entire 
dress was a loose cotton shirt, and the customary Indian 
leggings. He presented a fine specimen of the native Indian 
of the old school, a class now almost extinct. He claimed to 
be one hundred years old, and a little examination into his 
personal history furnished proof of his correctness. It 
appeared that he was about fifteen at the time of Sullivan's 
expedition, and resided at Nunda, on the Genesee. He 
well remembered the flight of the Senecas on that occasion, 
when he drove a horse to Fort Niagara. The fugitives 
arrived there in the month of September, and remained 

^ Journal in Stone's Johnson, Vol. II., pp. 451 and 470. 



THE NIAGARA FRONTIER. 31 1 

in its neighborhood and under its protection during the 
following winter. The season was the most inclement 
known for many years ; so much so that the river opposite 
the fort was frozen from the seventh of January until the 
following March/ and many of the Senecas perished from 
exposure and starvation before the ensuing spring. Brant 
made strenuous efforts during the winter to induce the 
Senecas to settle in Canada under the protection of the 
British Government. The Mohawks, and a few from the 
other tribes, yielded to his solicitations ; but Kenjockety's 
father, who was intimately acquainted with the superior 
advantages of Western New York, successfully opposed 
the Mohawk chieftain, and prevailed upon the remainder 
to settle in the region watered by the Buffalo, Cattaraugus 
and Tonawanda creeks. 

While listening to the eventful narrative of the aged 
Seneca, the writer could scarcely realize that the man was 
still living, who not only resided in this locality at the 
first advent of the white man, but who came here, with 
the Senecas themselves, to reap, by a permanent occupancy, 
the substantial fruits of their ancient conquests.^ 

At the time of the arrival of the Senecas, the striking 
feature of this locality was the predominance of the linden 
or basswood over all the other trees of the forest. They 
fringed both borders of the creek, and spread their broad 
foliage over its fertile bottoms. Seneca tradition tells us. 



Merritt's MS. 
■ Kenjockety died April 1, 1866, aged over one hundred years. 



312 TELE NIAGARA FRONTIER. 

that in the season when the tree was in flower, the hunt- 
ing parties from the Genesee could hear, ere they reached 
the creek, the hum of the bee, as it gathered, in countless 
swarms, its winter stores from the abundant blossoms. 
Michaux, the French naturalist, who traveled through 
this region in 1807, states as a peculiarity of this locality, 
in his great work on the forest trees of America, that the 
basswood constituted two-thirds, and, in some localities, 
the whole of the forest between Batavia and New Am- 
sterdam.^ Early settlers say, that the peninsula bounded 
by Main street, Buffalo Creek and the canal, embracing 
what is now intersected by Prime, Lloyd and Hanover 
streets, was almost exclusively covered with this tree. 
It was occasionally found more than eighty feet high and 
four feet in diameter. Its giant trunks furnished at that 
convenient locality, a light and soft wood from which to 
fashion the Indian canoe, and a bark easily converted into 
various utensils useful in savage life. This bark formed 
the exclusive covering of the temporary huts, erected for 
the shelter of the hunting and fishing parties that fre- 
quented this region. The Senecas, in conformity with 
their well-known custom, seized upon this marked pecu- 
liarity of the place, and called it Do'-syo-w<i^, a name 
strikingly euphonious in their tongue, meaning. The place 
of hasswoods. 

The origin of the name, Buffalo, has already been so 
thoroughly discussed in and out of this Society, that no 



N. American Sylva, Vol, III., p. 131 



THE NIAGARA FRONTIER. 313 

attempt will be made to throw additional light upon the 
subject. The earliest occurrence of the name which I 
have been able to discover, is on a manuscript map in the 
British Museum, found in a collection called King George's 
Maps, formerly in his Majesty's library. It is dated in 
1764, and embraces both banks of the Niagara River from 
Lake Erie to Black Rock. The American shore is repre- 
sented as entirely unsettled, covered with forest and bor- 
dered with sand hills. Buffalo Creek is laid down, bearing 
its present name. Its next occurrence is in the narrative 
of the captivity and residence of the Gilbert family among 
the Senecas in 1780-81, which was published in 1784. 
We next find it in the treaty of Fort Stanwix before 
alluded to. The Rev. Mr, Kirkland, in his journal of a 
visit to the Senecas in 1788,^ speaks of their "village on 
the Buffaloe," and from that time the name appears to 
have passed into general use. Tiie Holland Company en- 
deavored to supplant it with the term " New Amsterdam," 
but our village fathers, with great good sense, rejected the 
substitute, together with the foreign names which the same 
company had imposed upon our streets. 

The Senecas, with a few kindred Onondagas and Cayugas, 
on their arrival here, in 1780, established themselves on 
the banks of the Buffalo Creek. The former chose the 
south side, and the level bottoms beyond the present iron 
bridge, east of what is now known as " Martin's Corners." 
The Onondagas went higher up, as far as the elevated 



' MS. Journal in N. Y. State Library. 
40 



314 THE ISriA a ABA fr ontieu. 

table land, near where the southern Ebenezer village was 
subsequently located. The Cayugas settled north of the 
Onondagas, along that branch of the creek which bears 
their name. 

In these localities the tribes were found, when immigra- 
tion reached them ; and here they remained, dividing their 
time between hunting, fishing and the cultivation of the 
soil, until the encroachments of the white man diminished 
their game, and created a demand for their lands too eager 
and powerful to be resisted. We have seen, within a few 
years, the last of the Senecas abandon their ancient seats, 
on the confines of our city, some to locate on the adjacent 
Reservations, and others to seek " a wider hunting-ground " 
beyond the Mississippi. 

They left the graves of their fathers in the possession 
of the white man, and how has he fulfilled the trust? A 
visit to their rude and neglected cemetery will furnish the 
answer. The grave in which Red Jacket was laid by 
his mourning people, is empty.^ The headstone of the 
captive " White Woman," carried away by piecemeal, for 
relics, by the curious, no longer tells the simple story of 
her remarkable life. Pollard and Young King and White 
Seneca, and many others, whose names were once as house- 
hold woiids among us, all rest in unmarked graves. They 
were the friends of the founders of our city, when the 
Indians were strong and the white man weak. Those con- 



^ His remains were stolen by a Chippewa. They were recovered 
by his family and removed to the Cattaraugus Reservation. 



THE NIA GAR A FR ONTIER. 315 

ditions are now reversed. Having crowded the living from 
their ancient seats and pleasant hunting-grounds, let us re- 
spect the graves and protect the ashes of their fathers. One 
of their eloquent chiefs, De-jiA'-non-da-weh-hoh, llie Pacifi- 
cator, known to the whites as Dr. Peter Wilson/ has feel- 
ingly and reproachfully told us that " the bones of his 
people lie in exile in their own country." Would it not be 
an appropriate work for this Society, to initiate measures 
for the permanent preservation of their dead ? The re- 
mains of such of their distinguished chiefs as can now be 
identified, should be removed, with the consent of their 
Nation, to our new cemetery. There, on the quiet banks 
of the Ga-no/i'-gwa/it-geh,^ in the shadow of the native 
forest, beneath the old oaks, where, within the memory of 
the living, their council fires burned, and their war-whoop 
rang,^ under the same protection that guards the white 
man's grave, they would rest in security, and the dust of 
our antagonistic races commingle undisturbed. 



' He died in March, 18'72. 

^ The Seneca name of Kenjockety Creek. 

^ Forest Lawn was owned, during the war of 1812, by Erastus 
Granger, then U. S. Indian agent. His residence was north of the 
tall poplars, not far from the Main street entrance to the cemetery. 
The oak grove near by, was used by the Senecas for their councils 
at that period. They were our faithful allies, and rendered us 
valuable assistance in the coritest with Great Britain. 



316 THE NIA GABA FR ONTIEB. 

APPENDIX TO THE FOREGOING ARTICLE. 



The followiug list embraces many of the early names that have 
been applied to some of our great lakes and rivers, and to a few 
prominent localities along their borders. Several of inferior note 
though of more local interest, are also given. The great diversity 
that has existed in the mode of spelling the geogi'aphical terms of 
the Iroquois, has given rise to much confusion and uncertainty. 
This has induced the writer to adopt, in reducing the Seneca names 
to English orthography, the admirable system invented by the Rev. 
Asher Wright, of the Cattaraugus Mission. That able missionary 
has published in the Seneca language, which he speaks and writes 
fluently, several works of much interest to the philologist, the fruit 
of his many years of successful labor among that people. The ac- 
knowledgments of the writer are justly due to him for his assistance 
in determining the orthography and signification of many of the 
names that occur in these pages ; also, to Dr. Peter Wilson, Nath- 
aniel T. Strong,^ and Nicholas H. Parker, all highly intelligent and 
cultivated members of the Iroquois family. 

The following is substantially the key to Mr. Wright's system. 
If the sounds of the letters and accents are strictly observed, a close 
approximation to the correct pronunciation will be reached : 

a sounded like a in fall, o sounded like o in note. 

a sounded like a in hat. u sounded like u in push. • 

e sounded like e in they. ai sounded like i in pine. 

e sounded like e in bet. iu sounded like u in pure. 

i sounded like i in machine. ch always soft as in chin. 

Italic h sounded like the h in the interjection oh ! when impa- 
tiently uttered ; approaching the sound of k, though not quite 
reaching it. 

When h comes after t or s it is separately sounded. 

Italic a and o represent nasal sounds. 

There are no silent letters. 

A repeated vowel only lengthens the sound, 

' N. T. Strong died January 4, 1873 ; Dr. Wilson, in March, of the same year, 
and Mr. Wright, April 13, 1875, 



THE NIA a ABA FE OJSTTIFJR. 317 



SENECA NAMES WITH SIGNIFICATIONS. 



Gah-dah' -geh. ^^Fishing-place with a scoop-basket.^^ Cayuga 
Creek, or north fork of Buffalo Creek, 

HaA-do'-neh. ^' The place of June berries^ Seneca Creek, or 
south fork of Buffalo Creek. 

Ga-e-na-dah'-daaA. " Slate rock bottom.^' Cazenovia Creek, or 
south fork of Buffalo Creek. 

Tga-is'-da-ni-yont. " The place of the suspended belV The 
Seneca Mission House. 

TgaA-sgoh'-sa-deA. '■'■ The place of the falls. ^'' Falls above Jack 
Berry town. 

Jii/ik'-do-waaA'-geh. " The place of the crab-apple.'''' Cheek- 

towaga. 

De-as'-gwaA-da-ga'-neh. " The place of lamper-eeV^ Lancaster 
village, after a person of that name who resided there. 

Ga-yaA-gaawh'-doh. The Indian name of Old SmoJce, who lived 
and died on the bank of Smoke's Creek. He led the Senecas at 
Wyoming. The name is now also applied to Smoke's Creek, and 
signifies " The smoke has disappeared." 

De-dyo'-deA-neh'-sak-do. • " A gravel bend.'''' Lake shore above 
Smoke's Creek. 

Jo-nya'-dih. " The other side of the flats.'''' Tifft's farm. 

De-yeh'-ho-ga-da-ses. " The oblique ford.'''' The old ford at the 
present iron bridge. 

De-yoh'-ho-gaA. " The forks of the river.'''' Junction of the Cayuga 
and Cazenovia Creeks. 

Tga'-non-da-ga'-yos-haA. " The old village.'''' The flats embracing 
Twitchell's farm. This is the site of the first village the Senecas 
built on Buffalo Creek. 

Ni-dyio'-nya/i-a'-ah. *■' Narrow point." Farmer's Brother's Point. 

Ga-noh'-hoA-geh. " The place filled up.'''' Long Point in Canada, 



318 THE NIA a ABA FR OKTIER. 

and sometimes applied to Erie. In allusion to the Indian tradition, 
that The Great Beaver built a dam across Lake Erie, of which 
Presque Isle and Long Point are the remains. 

Gah-gwah-ge'-ga-aa/i. *' The residence of the Kah-TiwasP 
Eighteen Mile Creek. Sometimes called Gah-gwa/i'-geA. 

Yo-da'-nyuh-gwaA', " A fishing-place with hooTc-and-lineP 
Sandytown, the old name for the beach above Black Rock. 

TgaA'-si-ya-deA. " Rope ferry P Old ferry over Buffalo Creek. 

Tga-noh'-so-doA. " The place of houses.'''' Old village in the 
forks of Smoke's Creek. 

Dyo-ge'-oA-ja-e/?. " Wet grass.'''' Red Bridge. 

Dyos'-ho7i. " The sulpher springy Sulpher Springs. 

De-dyo'-na-wa'-h. " The ripple.'''' Middle Ebenezer village. 

Dyo-naA'-da-eeA. " Hemlock elevation.''^ Upper Ebenezer village, 
formerly Jack Berrytown. 

Tga-des'. " Long prairie.'''' Meadows above Upper Ebenezer. 

Onon'-da/i-ge'-ga/i geh. ''The place of the OnondagasP West 
end of Lower Ebenezer. 

Sha-ga-na^'-gaA-geh. " The place of the StocJchridges.''^ East 
end of Lower Ebenezer. 

He-yont-gat-hwat' ha/i. " The picturesque location.'''' Cazenovia 
Bluff, east of Lower Ebenezer. 

Dyo-e'-oh-gwes. '■'■ 2 all grass or flag island.'''' Rattlesnake Island. 

Dyu'-ne-ga-nooh'. " Gold Water.'''' Cold Spring. 

GaAda'-ya-de/i. " A place of misery.''^ Williamsville. In allu- 
sion to the open meadows at this place, which were very bleak in 
winter. Blacksmith says the name refers to the " open sky," where 
the path crossed the creek. 



THE NIA GAMA FB ONTIER. 319 



EARLY NAMES APPLIED TO THE GREAT LAKES AND 

RIVERS AND TO SOME OF THE PROMINENT 

LOCALITIES ON THEIR BORDERS. 



Lake Ontabio. 

Lac des Entouhonorons. Champlain, i, ed. 1632, p, 336. So 
called after a nation living south of the lake. 

St. Louis. Champlain, ed. 1632. Rel., 1640-41, p. 49. 

Lac Des Iroquois. Relation des Jesuites, 1635, p. 121. 

La Mer Douce. " The Fresh Sea." Relation, 1639-40, p. 130. 

Ontario. ^''Beautiful LaheP Hennepin, p. 31. Rel., 1640-41, 
p. 49. 

Skanadario. " Beautiful Bake." Hennepin, p, 42. 

Cadarackui. Colden, xvi. 

Frontenac. Hennepin, p. 40. 

Lake Erie. 

Eri§. Relation, 1641, p. 71. 

Lac Du Chat. " Gat Bake." Sanson's Map of 1651. 
Lac De Conty. Coronelli's Map of 1688. 
Oswego. N. Y. Colonial Documents, v, p. 694. 

Lake HrKON. 

La Mer Douce. " The Fresh Sea." Champlain, appendix, p. 8. 

Attigouantan. Champlain, i, p. 324. 

Karegnondi. Sanson's Map of 1657. 

Lac Des Hurons. Relation, 1670-71, map. 

Lac D'Orleans. Coronelli's Map of 1688. 

Quatoghe. Colden, xvi. 

Caniatare. Colden, xvi. 



320 THE JSriA GABA FR ONTIER. 

Lake Michigan-. 
Lac Des Puants. Chainplain, 1632. 

Lac Des Illinois. Relation, 1669-70. Marquette's Map, 1674. 
-St. Joseph. Father Allouez in 1675. 
Dauphin. Coronelli's Map of 1688. 
Michigonong. Hennepin, p. 53. 

L\KE Superior. 

Le Grand Lac. " The Great Ldkey Charaplain, 1632. 

Lac Superieur. *' Upper Lake.'''' Relation, 1660, p. 9. 

Lac De Tracy. Relation, 1667, p. 4. 

Lac De Conde. Le Clercq., p. 137. 

Niagara Falls. 

Saut d'eau. " Water f all. '''' Champlain's Map, 1613. 
Onguiaahra. Relation, 1640-41, p. 65. Applied to river only. 
Ongiara. Sanson's Map of 1651. Ducreux, 1660. 
Unghiara. Bancroft's U. S., vol. iii, p. 128. 
Och-ni-a-gara. Evans' Map, 1765. 
lagara. Colden's Five Nations, appendix, p. 15. 
0-ni-a-ga-rah. Colden's Five Nations, p. 79. 
0-ny-a-kar-rah. Macauley's N. Y., vol. ii, p. 177. 



THE NEW YORK CHARTER, 1664 AND 1674 




HE recent settlement of the boundary line be- 
tween the states of New York and Connecticut, 
by an agreement between commissioners ap- 
pointed by their respective legislatures, recalls 
to- mind the controversies which have existed between 
those states since the earliest colonization of the country. 
Prior to the charter granted to the Duke of York in 1664, 
the Dutch, while in possession of the New Netherlands, 
claimed eastward to the Connecticut river, and at the 
same time the colony of Connecticut claimed westward to 
the Hudson river, and from thence to the Pacific Ocean. 
In 1664, while the dispute was pending between those two 
colonies, the British government, under claim of prior dis- 
covery, took possession of the New Netherlands, and King 
Charles the II., by virtue of his royal prerogative, granted 
to his brother, the Duke of York, the territory now com- 
prised within the limits of the state of New York. Al- 
though its eastern boundary was defined in the charter to 
be " the Connecticut River," yet the colony of Connecticut 
stoutly resisted the claim, on the ground of prior title and 



^ Reprinted from tlie Magazine of American History for Janu- 
ary, 1882. 

41 



322 THE NEW YORK CHARTER. 

occupancy, and the controversy lasted, without inter- 
mission, for more than two centuries. 

Now that the last of the disputed boundaries has finally 
been settled, it may be interesting, in this connection, to 
trace, from authentic records, the several steps by which 
the royal dake, afterwards James II., became vested with 
the sovereignty and fee of the empire state which now 
bears his name. 

The writer has recently examined, in the State Paper 
Oflfice, in Fetter Lane, London, some of the original docu- 
ments relating to the history of this important title. They 
were all found in good preservation, from the original 
warrant to prepare a bill for the king's patent, to the final 
enrollment of the charter of 1664. The venerable charter 
itself, exhumed from its long rest, crisp with age, and 
covered with the dust of two centuries, was brought to 
light, bearing the king's autograph, and transferring to 
his royal brother the richest grant in the power of His 
Majesty to bestow. The title to all British territory being 
vested in the king, any grant of the same could be made 
without the authority of Parliament, by letters-patent 
under the Great Seal. Before reaching the latter, it was 
customary for the grant to pass through several prelimi- 
nary stages. In the first place, a warrant was issued by 
the Crown, directing the attorney or solicitor-general to 
prepare a bill for the proposed grant. This bill, when 
prepared, was signed by the king at the top, with his own 
sign-manual, and sealed with the Privy Signet in custody 
of the principal secretary of state. An extract of this 



THE NEW YORK CHARTER. 323 

bill was then taken, within eight days, to the lord keeper 
of the king's Privy Seal, requiring him to prepare a bill 
for the king's signature, which should embrace the pro- 
posed grant. One of the clerks of the Privy Seal^was re- 
quired, within eight days thereafter, to issue letters of 
warrant to the Lord Chancellor of England, commanding 
him to prepare a bill to pass, the Great Seal, which should 
also contain the grant. Upon the receipt of this mandate, 
the Lord Chancellor affixed the Great Seal, whereupon the 
grant was duly enrolled and became complete. In some 
cases, at the pleasure of the king, the patent was taken 
from the Privy Signet Office direct to the Lord Chancellor, 
without its going through the office of the Privy Seal. 

The duke's patent of 1664 seems to have passed these 
several stages in its progress to completion. In tracing its 
history in the British archives, the first document relating 
to the title was found in the series of " Colonial Papers," 
and consisted of an undated draught of the' warrant 
to prepare a bill for the king's signature. There are 
three copies of this draught, each dated February 29, 1664. 
Two are contained in the Colonial Entry-Books, Nos. 68 
and 92, and the third in a warrant-book, bearing the name 
of Sir Henry Bennett, one of King Charles' secretaries of 
state. En try -book No. 92 is one of Sir Joseph William- 
son's note-books. Sir Joseph was another of King Charles' 
secretaries. He wrote in the margin of the book, opposite 
the copy of the warrant, "Grant to his Royal Highness in 
N. England." The description of the territory granted is 



324 TBE NEW 1 OEK GHABTEB. 

identical in all three of these copies, and by its terms in- 
cludes " all the land from the west side of Hudson's river 
to the east side of Delaware Bay," thus necessarily ex- 
cluding all the territory between the Connecticut and 
Hudson's river. The next document found was the king's 
Signet Bill, contained in the Signet Docket-Book, No. 15, 
at page 292. It is dated March 8, 1664, and bears the 
king's signature. It is endorsed as follows : " Charles R., 
our will and pleasure is that this pass by immediate 
warrant." It was entered at the Signet Office, March 10, 
1664, and attested by John Nicholas, and entered at the 
Privy Seal Office the same day, and attested by John 
Caule. The letters-patent passed the Great Seal on the 
same day, and are inscribed, ''-per ipsum regem" by the 
king himself. 

It will be seen from the description of the territory 
granted by the patent, a copy of which is hereinafter given, 
that such description does not conform to that contained 
in the warrant, but was so changed and enlarged in the 
patent as to include all the land from the west side of 
Gonnecticut river to the east side of Delaware Bay, instead 
of from the west side of Hudson s river to the east side of 
Delaware Bay. This amended description, substituting 
Connecticut for Hudson's river, was inserted in all the 
documents subsequent to the warrant to prepare a bill, for 
it is found in the original of the king's Signet Bill above 
referred to, signed by the king himself, in the bill as en- 
tered in the Privy Seal Office the same day, in the docket 



THE N^EW YORK CHABTEM. 325 

in the Signet Office Docket-Book, and in the final patent 
of 1664. The above important and significant alteration 
would seem to justify the inference that on February 29, 
1664, when the warrant was drawn as the first step toward 
granting the patent, it was considered that the colony of 
Connecticut, on which it was intended to bound the patent 
on the east, of right extended westward to the Hudson 
river, as was then and subsequently continued to be stren- 
uously claimed and contended for by Connecticut, and that 
it was, at the date of the warrant, so understood by the 
king himself. 

The following are literal transcripts of the description 
of the territory granted by the warrant to prepare a bill 
for the king's patent of 1664, copied from the Colonial 
Entry-Book, No. 68, page 7, above referred to; also of the 
description of the territory granted by the said patent, 
copied from the book labelled " Properties," B. T., Vol. 25, 
page 113. This last document is the original draught of 
the patent in parchment enrolled 16, Carolus II., only a 
few trifling and immaterial variations being found between 
it and that patent. The duplicate of this enrolled patent, 
which was delivered to the Duke of York as evidence of 
his title, is now in the office of the secretary of state of 
the state of New York, at Albany. Full copies of this 
duplicate may be found on pages 10, etc., of the Report 
of the Regents of the University of the State of New York 
on the boundaries of New York, and on page 653 of the 
second volume of Broadhead's History of New York. 



326 THE NEW YORK CHARTER. 



WARRANT TO PREPARE A BILL. 

Grant to his Royal Highness of Lands in New England, 29 Feb- 
ruary, 166f. 

Wee will and require you forthwith to prepare a Bill for our 
Royal Signature to pass our Great Seale containing a Grant unto 
Our Dearest Brother James Duke of Yorke and his heires forever, 
of all that part of the Main Land of New England, beginning from 
a place called St, Croix, next adjoyning to New Scotland in Amer- 
ica, and from thence extending along the Sea Coast unto a certain 
place called Pemaquin and soe up y^ river thereof to the farthest 
head thereof, as it tendeth Norward, and from thence to ye River 
Kinebequin, and soe upwards by ye shortest cut to ye River Canada, 
and alsoe all that Island or Islands called Mattawock or Long Island, 
lying to the Westward of Cape Codd and ye narrow higawsets 
abutting upon the main land between the rivers of Connecticut and 
Hudson's River ; together alsoe with the said river called Hudson's 
River, and all the land from ye west side of Hudsous River to the 
East side of Delaware Bay, all of which are within ye latitude 39 
and 46 degrees, and containing in length from East to West the 
whole length of the Sea Coast, and alsoe all those Islands of Block 
Islands, Martins vineyards and Nontukes, with all lands, islands, 
mines, minerals, royalties, comodities and hereditaments within the 
said limits, with power of judicature, &c., &c. 

Dated at Whitehall vJ-'^ Febry 166| 

PATENT OF 1664. 

King Charles the 2'' his Patent, to the Duke of York for New 
Jersey in America, March 12 166-| 

Charles the Second, by the Grace of God &c, to all to whom these 
presents shall come Greeting — 

Know ye that we, for divers good causes and considerations us 
hereunto moving, having of our Especial Grace, certain knowledge 



THE NEW YORK CHARTER. 327 

and meer motion, given and granted, and by these presents for us 
our heirs and successors, do give and grant, unto our dearest brother, 
James Duke of York his heires and assigns, all that part of the 
Main Land of New England, beginning at a certain place called or 
known by the name of St. Croix next adjoyning" to New Scotland 
in America, and from thence extending along the sea coast unto a 
certain place called Pemaquie or Pemaquicl, and so up the River 
thereof to the farthest head of the same, as it tendeth Northward 
and extending from thence to the River of Kinebequire, and so up- 
wards by the Shortest course to the River Cannada Northward, and 
also all that Island or Islands, commonly called by the severall name 
or names of Mattowacks or Long Island, scituate lying and being 
toward the west of Cape Codd and Narro Higanset, abutting upon 
the Maine Land between the two Rivers, there called or known by 
the severall names of Connecticutt and Hudsous River, together 
also with the said River called Hudsons River, and all the Land 
from the West side of Connecticutt River to the East side of Dela- 
ware Bay, and also all those severall Islands called or known by the 
names of Martins Vineyard and Nantukes otherwise Nantuket, to- 
gether with all the Lands, Islands, Soyles, Rivers, Harbours, Mines, 
Minerals, Quarries, Woods, Marshes, Waters, Lakes, Fishings, 
Hawking, Hunting and Fowling, and all other Royalties, Profits, 
commodities and hereditaments, to the said severall Islands, Lands, 
and Premisses belonging, and appertaining, with their and every of 
their appurtenances, &c, &c 

In Witnesse &c ourself at Westminster the twelfth day of March 
Anno Regni Regis Caroli Secundi Sexto decimo Per ipsum Regem. 

The second charter of 1674, which was granted bj King 
Charles II., to the Duke of York, to obviate the objections 
which had been raised against the vahdity of the first 
charter, on account of its covering territory then in posses- 
sion of the Dutch, is almost identical, in the description of 
the territory conveyed, with the terms of the first charter. 



328 THE NEW YORK CHARTER. 

This may be seen by a reference to the copies of the two 
charters contained in the Kegents' report on the boundaries 
of New York, above referred to. 

BOUNDARY CONTROVERSIES. 

When the various colonial charters were granted, and 
their territorial boundaries defined, the geographical knowl- 
edge of the interior of North America was necessarily very 
limited. The only information obtainable was derived 
chiefly from reports of voyageurs who had penetrated the 
vast interior of the continent in their prosecution of the 
fur trade, from the accounts of the early missionaries, and 
from the rude sketches furnished by the natives, showing 
the outlines of the lakes and rivers which so prominently 
mark the natural features of the country. Confused 
descriptions, growing out of this defective knowledge, occa- 
sioned the numerous boundary disputes, which, from time 
to time, arose between New York and her neighbors. 

On the east, Massachusetts, by virtue of the charter 
granted by James I., in 1620, to the council of Ply- 
mouth, and the subsequent sale by said council to Sir 
Henry Koswell and his associates, claimed a strip between 
the Merrimack and Charles rivers, which, extending 
westerly between 42° 2' and 45° 15' north latitude, reached 
the Pacific Ocean. This claim was under a title prior to 
the first patent to the Duke of York, and in conflict there- 
with, so far as it overlapped the territories of the latter. 
The controversy was not settled until May 18, 1773, 



THE NEW YORK CHARTER. 329 

when a line parallel with the Hudson, and about twenty 
miles easterly therefrom, was agreed upon as a boundary 
between the two colonies. This, however, did not dis- 
pose of the claim of Massachusetts to the' territory lying 
west of the lands granted to the Duke of York. The 
western limits of the Duke's territories, which lie north of 
the parallel drawn through the northernmost sources of 
Delaware Bay, were vague and undefined in both his 
patents. New York, in view of this uncertainty, and to 
strengthen her patent title, asserted a right to extend 
westerly to Lakes Erie and Ontario, founded mainly on a 
claim as successor to the Five Nations, and on the acqui- 
escence of the British crown. This was stoutly resisted 
by Massachusetts, and it was not until December, 1786, 
that a satisfactory arrangement was effected between the 
two colonies. By this settlement, New York granted to 
Massachusetts the title or right of pre-emption, exclusive 
of jurisdiction and sovereignty, in and to certain lands in 
the state of New York, lying between the Chenango and 
Tioughnioga rivers on the east, and the Owego river on 
the west, embracing 230,400 acres in the present counties 
of Tioga, Broome and Cortland ; also in and to all that 
portion of the present state of New York bounded north 
by Lake Ontario, south by Pennsylvania, west by a me- 
ridian drawn through the western extremity of Lake 
Ontario, and east by a meridian drawn from a point in the 
northern boundary of Pennsylvania, eighty-two miles west 
of the north-east corner of said state, excepting therefrom 
a strip one mile wide, extending along the east side of the 

42 



330 TSE NEW T OEK CHAUTEU. 

Niagara river, from Lake Erie to Lake Ontario. Massa- 
chusetts, in consideration of the above grant, while she 
reserved the right of pre-emption in the soil, relinquished 
iO New York all sovereignty and jurisdiction overall that 
part of the state of New York lying west of a meridian 
drawn through Seneca Lake, and comprising what were 
subsequently known as the Phelps' and Gorham and 
Holland Land Companies' purchases. On the north-east, 
the line between New York and New Hampshire remained 
unsettled until October, 1790, when New York consented 
that Vermont, which had been taken from the western 
part of New Hampshire and organized as a state, might be 
admitted into the union with its present western boundary. 
This was ratified by Congress on February 18, 1791, and 
Vermont, under its present name, thus became one of the 
ITnited States. On the south, Pennsylvania claimed, 
under the charter of March 4, 1681, from King Charles 
II., as far north as the 42d parallel. Connecticut claimed, 
under the charter of April 23, 1662, granted by the same 
king to John Winthrop and others, from the parallel of 
41° to the parallel of 42° 2'. Thus a narrow strip two 
minutes, or about two and one-third miles wide, extending 
from the Delaware westerly as far as the western limits of 
New York, was claimed by both colonies. 

This controversy was terminated in favor of New York 
by an act of the General Assembly of Connecticut, passed 
in May, 1800, whereby it released all territorial and juris- 
dictional interest in all lands lying west of the eastern 
boundary of New York, in consideration of a conveyance 



THE NEW YORK CHARTER. 331 

to Connecticut by the United States of that tract of land in 
the north-east part of Ohio, since known as the '" Western 
Reserve," from the proceeds of the sales of which, the noble 
school-fund of the latter state has been derived. 

The northern boundary of New York, being coterminous 
with that of the United States, was first defined and estab- 
lished by royal proclamation, October 7, 1763, and con- 
firmed by act of parliament in 1774, in fixing the limits 
of the province of Quebec. It was again defined by the 
second article of the treaty of peace concluded between 
the United States and Great Britain in 1783. The line 
was afterward surveyed and practically located in 1817 
and 1818, by commissioners appointed under the fifth and 
sixth articles of the Treaty of Ghent. 

The boundary between New York and New Jersey re- 
mained unsettled until Sept. 16, 1833, when an agreement 
was entered into by commissioners mutually appointed by 
the two states, and ratified by New York the next year, 
which effectually disposed of all further controversy. 

By the recent compact between New York and Con- 
necticut, ratified by an act of the Legislature of New York, 
passed May 8, 1880, the last of the boundary disputes 
which have so long existed as subjects of irritation be- 
tween New York and her neighbors, has been amicably 
and definitely settled. It now remains for the lines thus 
established by solemn agreement to be accurately surveyed 
and marked by permanent monuments, so that all possi- 
bility of future doubt may be removed. 



332 



THE NEW YORK CHARTER. 



This is now being done in the most thorough manner 
along the division line between New York and Pennsyl- 
vania, under the direction of the Board of Regents of the 
University of New York, and the work should be extended 
to all other portions of the state boundary not defined by 
natural objects. 




EARLY NOTICES OF THE COPPER REGIONS.^ 




KNOWLEDGE of the existence of extensive 
mines of copper on the shores of Lake Superior, 
and in other localities in the north-western part 
of the United States, was obtained from the 

Indians, at a very early day, by the French missionaries 

and traders who ventured among them. 

Father Allouez, who established, in the year 1665, the 
first Jesuit mission on Lake Superior, at La Pointe, near 
its western extremity, searched in vain, while on his way 
thither, for the celebrated mass of native copper of which 
he had heard from the " Sauteurs," ^ or pecyple of the Saut. 
It does not appear that he was successful in his researches, 
although his route lay along the southern shore of the lake, 
and in close proximity to some of the richest localities. 



' Published in the American Mevieto for 1846, p. 347. — Ed. 

^ So called from their residence at the Falls of St. Maiy. Some 
English authors have translated Sauteurs into leapers ! thereby 
losing sight of the origin of the name. Their native appellation was 
Pauoirigoueiouhak, meaning jt>eo/?^e of the Falls, a name which Char- 
levoix says requires three breaths to pronounce in full. 



334 EARLY NOTICJES 

Father Hennepin says that in 1680, while on his voyage 
upon the Mississippi, the Indians showed him extensive 
mines of coal, lead and copper, but he does not designate 
the particular localities. He also mentions, in his account 
of De La Salle's last voyage, that several pieces of copper 
had been found in the sands of the Illinois river at low 
water. 

The monk Guedeville, who wrote under the nom de 
plume of " The Baron La Houtan," was at the Sault Ste. 
Marie in 1688, and says, in his description of Lake Superior, 
that upon that lake are found copper mines in abundance, 
of which the ore is so pure that there is no more than one- 
seventh loss. 

In the beginning of the year 1700, M. d'Iberville having 
heard of a copper mine on Green river, a tributary of the 
St. Peters, directed M. le Sueur to proceed to the country 
of the Sioux with twenty men, and take possession of the 
same. Le Sueur had discovered the mine in question in 
1695, and is the first traveler that mentions the St. Peters 
river. He had also, in the same year, discovered a piece 
of copper weighing sixty pounds, on one of the branches 
of the Chippewa river. 

He set out, with his companions, near the end of April, 
1700, and ascended the Mississippi to the Falls of St. 
Anthony. From thence he paddled up the St. Peters 
about forty leagues, where Green river joined it on the 
left. It was so named, because the earth which fell into 
it from the mines gave it that color. Having proceeded 
up the latter river about a league, their progress was 



OF TBE COPPER REGIONS. 335 

arrested by ice, although it was not later in the season 
than the first of October. They were, consequently, com- 
pelled to construct a fort for their protection, which they 
named Fort Huillier, and remained there in winter quarters. 

In the month of April following, they proceeded to the 
mines, which were less than a league from their fort, and 
in 22 days they raised over 30,000 pounds of ore, of which 
they sent 4,000 pounds of the best to France. The mine 
was opened at the base of a mountainous ridge, about ten 
leagues long, which appeared to be entirely composed of 
the same material. The earth from which they raised 
the ore was of a green color. The copper could be scraped 
with a knife, after first removing a kind of crust, hard as 
stone, and black and burnt like charcoal by the vapor 
which issued from the mine. A combination of circum- 
stances, but principally the want of funds, prevented Le 
Sueur from further prosecuting this enterprise. 

Father Charlevoix, the celebrated historian of New 
France, who traveled extensively along the lakes, and 
their borders, in 1721, has left us some interesting notices 
of this mineral. 

" The large pieces of copper," he observes,* '' which are 
found in some places on the shore of Lake Superior, and 
on some of the islands in the same lake, are the object of 
superstitious worship on the part of the Indians, They 
regard them with veneration, as presents from the gods 
who live under the water. They gather and carefully 
preserve the smallest fragments, without making any use 



336 EAEL Y NO TICES 

of them. They say, that a long time since, there was a 
large rock of that material elevated above the surface of 
the lake, and as it has entirely disappeared, they pretend 
that the gods have transported it elsewhere ; but there is 
reason to believe that the waves, in the progress of time 
have covered it with sand and mud. It is certain that 
this metal has been discovered in many places in large 
quantities, and under such favorable circumstances, as to 
save the necessitj^ of much excavation. 

" On my first voyage to this region," he continues, " I 
knew one of our fathers who had been a goldsmith. He 
sought for the metal, and by reason of its almost pure state, 
easily manufactured it into crosses, chandeliers and cen- 
sers." 

Charlevoix also states, that copper had been found near 
the mouth of the river St. Croix, which empties into the 
eastern side of the Mississippi, a short distance below the 
St. Peters. 

Alexander Henry, the Indian trader, in the interesting 
narrative of his travels and adventures in the North- West, 
says that the Indians used to manufacture this metal into 
spoons and bracelets, it being so pure as to be readily 
beaten into shape. Henry visited the celebrated rock on 
the Ontonagan river in 1766, the weight of which he esti- 
mated at five tons. Such was its pure and malleable state, 
that he was able to cut ofi" with an axe a portion weighing 
one hundred pounds. He conjectured that the mass had 



OF THE COPPER REGIONS. 337 

rolled from the side of a lofty hill, at the base of which it 
lay.^ 

Henry passed the winter of 1767-8 on the Island of 
Michipicoten. On his way thither, he found at Point 
Mamance a vein of lead ore, in the form of cubical crystals, 
and at other points, on the northern coast, he met with 
several veins of the gray copper ore. Near Nanibojou, on 
the eastern side of the Bay of Michipicoten, he found 
several pieces of virgin copper lying on the beach, many 
of which were remarkable for their form, some resembling 
leaves of vegetables, and others animals, and weighing 
from an ounce to three pounds. 

On an island near by, Indian tradition had located the 
sepulchre of iSlanihqjou, or the Great Hare, and his spirit 
was supposed to make that his constant residence, presiding 
over the lake, and over the Indians in their navigation and 
fishing. Tobacco, kettles, broken guns, and other articles, 
were found deposited on the projecting rocks, as propitia- 
tory offerings from the rude savage to this imaginary deity. 

In the spring of 1768, Henry met with a Mr. Alexander 
Baxter, who had come out from England to examine the 
ores abounding in the country. Henry communicated to 
him his observations, and exhibited his specimens, and 
they soon laid the foundation of the first mining company 
of Lake Superior. 

Henry passed the next winter at Michipicoten, and on 
his voyage thither encamped, as usual, on the Island of 

^ This mass is now in the Smithsonian Institution, at Washington. 
It cost the government $3,500 to obtain and transport it. 

43 



338 EARL Y NO TIGEIS 

Nanibojou. Having omitted the customary offerings to 
the presiding deity, they were visited by a furious storm, 
which detained them twelve days, and destroyed their 
nets. Having consumed all their provisions, they would 
have. been in great danger of starvation, but for the timely 
discovery of some tripe de roclie. 

In the spring of 1770, Mr. Baxter, who had gone to 
England, returned, with the papers constituting Henry 
Baxter, and a Mr. Bostwick, joint agents and partners in 
a company of adventurers for working the mines of Lake 
Superior. Having constructed a sloop of 40 tons, they 
embarked early in May, 1771, from their ship-yard, at 
Point aux Pins, three leagues above the [Sault, on the 
Canada shore. They steered first for the ^'Island of Yellow 
Sands" and landed on its beach, fully prepared to meet the 
guardians of the gold, and do battle with the^[serpents 
and demons, with which Indian superstition had peopled 
it. After a vain search for three days, no gold, nor even 
yellow sands, were found, and no demons ^nor serpents 
appeared. They then sailed for Nanibojou, on the shore 
of which the miners found several veins of copper and 
lead. Specimens having been procured, they returned to 
Point aux Pins, where they erected an air furnace, and 
assayed the ores. They found the lead ore contained 
silver, in the proportion of forty ounces to the ton -, but 
the copper ore only a very small proportion. They sub- 
sequently crossed to Fort Iroquois, on the American shore 
of the lake, where Mr. Norburgh, a Russian gentleman, 
acquainted with metals, and holding a commission in the 



OF THE COPPER HE G IONS. 339 

60th Regiment, chanced to find a semi-transparent mineral 
substance, of a blue color, weighing eight pounds. This 
specimen he carried to England, where it yielded pure 
silver, at the rate of 60 per cent, and was deposited in the 
British Museum. 

Our adventurers found no further indications of the 
metal until they reached the Ontonagan, where they dis- 
covered great quantities embedded in stone. There they 
built a house, and sent to the Sault for provisions. They 
commenced their operations at a place where'a stream of 
green-, colored water, tinging iron a copper color, called by 
by the miners, " a leader" issued from the hill. In digging 
at this point, they frequently found masses of copper, some 
of which weighed three pounds. 

Having left the miners with everything provided for 
their subsistence during the winter, the parties returned 
to the Sault. Early in the spring of 1772, a boat, loaded 
with provisions was despatched to the miners, but it re- 
turned to the Sault on the 20th of June, bringing, to the 
great surprise of the agents, the whole establishment of 
miners. In the course of the winter they had penetrated 
forty feet into the hill, but when the first thaw came, the 
clay, which they had neglected to support, settled into 
their drift, and put an end to their labors. . 

In the month of August following, the miners were 
transported to the northern side of the lake. But little 
was done until the summer of 1773, when they penetrated 
thirty feet into the solid rock, which was blasted with 
great difl&culty. The vein having thinned out from four 



340 EARLY NOTICES 

feet to four inches, the work was discontinued; and after 
a fruitless exploration along the northern shore, as far as 
the River Pic, the sloop was sold, and the miners dis- 
charged. 

The great distance from civilization, the difficulty of 
procuring and maintaining laborers, and the heavy ex- 
pense of transporting the ore to market, induced the pro- 
prietors to abandon the enterprise. 

Thus ended the labors of the first company formed to 
work the mines of Lake Superior, The partners in Eng- 
land were his Royal Highness the Duke of Gloucester, Mr. 
Secretary Townsend, Sir Samuel Tutchett, Baronet, Mr. 
Baxter, Consul of the Empress of Russia, and Mr. Cruik- 
shank. Those in America were Sir William Johnson, 
Alexander Henry, Mr. Bostwick, and Mr. Baxter. A 
charter was obtained in England for the company, but 
from the ill success of the enterprise was never taken from 
the seal office. 

The failure of this attempt was alluded to by a Chip- 
pewa Chief from the Ontonagan river, who was present at 
a council held under Governor Cass at Fond du Lac, in 
August, 1826. Speaking of the celebrated copper rock, 
he says : " It is the property of no one man. It belongs 
alike to us all. It was put there by the Great Spirit, and 
it is ours. In the life of my fatlier, the British were en- 
gaged in working it. It was then about the size of that 
table (pointing to the one at which the commissioners 
were seated). They attempted to raise it to the top of 
the hill, and they failed. They then said the copper was 



OF THE COPPER REGIONS. 34 1 

not in the rock, but in the banks of the river. They dug 
for it, and while working under ground bj candle-light, 
the earth fell in upon them, and killed three of their men. 
It was then abandoned, and no attempt has been made 
upon it until now." 

It being generally supposed from Hennepin's statement, 
and other sources, that mines of copper existed on the 
banks of the Illinois, Mr. Patrick Kennedy, with a com- 
pany of coureurs de hois, set out from Kaskaskias on the 
23d day of July, 1773, with the design of discovering 
their locality. They descended the Mississippi to the 
mouth of the Illinois, where they arrived on the 31st 
of the same month. They ascended the Illinois, and 
readied the " Orand Rajnds" on the lOth of August, 
without finding any indications of the metal. Mr. 
Kennedy's journal, which is a rare work, contains 
an interesting account of this voyage. He saw numerous 
droves of deer and buffalo along the banks of the river, 
and was charmed with the prairies, groves and islands, 
which diversified the scenery. On his return, he ascended 
Copperas Creek, a small stream which empties into the 
Illinois below Peoria, and searched, without success, for 
the ore along its banks. 

Mr. Hearne found pieces of copper in the Coppermine 
river in 1771, and mentions in his travels that it was in 
common use at that time for knives, trinkets, etc., among 
the Indians of that inclement region. 

Captain Jonathan Carver, who visited Lake Superior in 
1768, then predicted that "in future times an advanta- 



342 EARL T NOTICES 

geous trade in copper would spring up; that the metal 
would be conveyed in canoes through the Falls of Ste. 
Marie and from thence in larger vessels to the Falls of 
Niagara; and after being carried by land across the port- 
age, would easily be transported to Quebec." The antici- 
pations of that early traveler are about to be reeilized, 
though the ore will not seek a market in the precise route 
and manner indicated by him. American capital and en- 
terprise have been directed to the subject, and making 
due allowance for much exaggeration, there can be little 
doubt, that many of the recent investments in mining 
operations will yield a handsome return of profits, and in 
a few years add a considerable amount to the commerce 
and wealth of the country. 




inttex Mttnm, 



INDEX RERUM. 



Andastoelironon Nation mentioned. Rel., 1639-40, p. 134. 1635, p. 
164. Spoke Huron. Rel, 1635, p. 33. Rel., 1648, p. 46. 

Aklirak?;aeronon Nation mentioned. Rel, 1639-40, p. 134. 

Attaronchronou Nation mentioned. Rel, 1639-40, p. S6, 68 Aux 
Hurons (St. Marie Mission). 

Attaroncln-onon mission has 4 bourgs S. Anne, S. Louys, S. Denys 
and S. Jean. Rel, 1639-40-68. 

Andastrogue enemies of the Iroquois. Rel, 1668-9, p. 32-85. 

Andastes mentioned. Charlevoix, Vol 2, p. 2-134-347. 

Andastes war with the Iroquois terminated. lb.. Vol 2, p. 244. 

Andastes exterminated by the Iroquois in 1672. Charlevoix 2 
p. 244. ' 

Andastes speak a Huron dialect. 1 Charlevoix, 286. 

Andastes, their identity with other nations. Hist. Mag., 11, p. 294, 

Arms of Duke of York placed in the Iroquois country. II Char- 
levoix, 315. 

Arms of Duke of York placed in the Iroquois country in 1684, 1 

Doc. Hist., p. 117. 
Arms of Duke of York placed at Onondaga in 1684. 1 Doc. Hist. 

p. 70. 
Arms of Duke of York, placed in 3 upper Iroquois villages. 1 Doc. 

Hist., 87-135. 

Andastogu6, 4 female captives of, burnt by the Oneidas. Rel 
1667-8, p. 75. ' * '' 

Apalaches, country of, discovered by Narvaes in 1528. Charlevoix 
VI, p. 334. 
44 



346 INDEX RERUM. 

Ahatsistcari Huron, baptised in Huron country, Rel,, 1642, p. 16. 

Andatahonats que vous disons Cheveau ou poil lev6. Settled 

" proche la mer douce " to trade with the Hurons. Sagard 

Journal, p. 77. 

Ahaonel6 Falls in the Oswego river. Rel., 1656, p. 12. Clark, 

p. 147. 
Aramoni river. Margry H, p. 176 and 244-245-122 (508-509 V. 1). 
Ai-amoni river. The Vermillion of Ills. Cornolli's Map of 1688. 

(No. 13. O. H. M.) 
Aranhage, east share L. Ontario. I. Doc. H, p. 153. 
Albany in 1765. Paris and London note book, p. 8. 
Agereskoni, Iroquois name of the Supi-eme Being. L, La Fiteau, 

116-188. 
Alleghany signifies in Delaware " the fair river. ''^ Harris' Tour, 

p 104. (?) 
Alleghany " Olighinsipou" Margry II, p. 242, 80. Its navigability. 

lb., p. 80. 
Ai'eiseikoni, Huron name of the Supreme Being. II Charlevoix, 226. 
Arendachronous or St. Jean Baptiste. Aux Hurons Rel., 1641, p. 33. 

Rel., 1639-40, p. 86-145. 
Arendachronous the most eastern of the Huron Nation. Rel., 

1689-40, p. 145. 
Arendachronons the tribe of Hurons where Champlain spent the 

winter. Rel., 1639-40, p. 146. 
Arendachronons mission has 3 bourgs. St. Jean Baptiste, St. Joachim 

and St. Elizabeth. Rel., 1639-40, p. 147. 
Annencraos, a Seneca captive taken by the Eries. Rel., 1653-4, p, 

48 and 79. 
Angelran pere, called " Enjalran." 2 Le Clercq., p. 200. 
Angelran pere mentioned. 3 Char., 419. 
Arendarhonons mentioned. Rel., 1635, p. 116 (1642-3, p. 116). 

1642, p. 108. 
Arendarhonons missions of St. Jean Baptist, St. Joachim and St. 

Ignan. Rel., 1642-3, p. 116. 
Atreouati, Great Throat. Hennepin II, p. 97 and 181. 



INDEX BEE UM. 347 

Apples, a singular kind in Onondaga. Rel., 1656-7, 321. 
Argencon D' Yicompte, arrives to govern the country. Rel, 1657-8, 

p. 62. 
Allen "Indian" Allen or Ebenezer. Indian name " Jen-uh-ghio." 

Ontario county clerk's office, Lib. 2. p. 335, deeds. 
Allen " Indian " Allen, bis daughters Mary and Chloe. Ontario. 

county clerk's office, Lib. 2, p. 335, deeds. 
Aquegontenayea on Onondaga river. A place remarkable for eels, 
5 ra. fro;a Oneida L. Hough's Indian Treaties, 46. 

Arpent. Bonnecarnps Journal = 30 toises of 6 French feet each, or 
6.39 Eng. ft. 

Ahinsistan, a savage of this name carried to France. I Le Clercq. 
305. 
Also 3 others carried to France. I Le Clercq., 306. 

Attiguenonga mentioned. Rel., 1635, p. 116. 

Atsientatsi " Robbes noires," Indian name of the Jesuits. Hen- 
nepin, Fr. Ed. 1698, 487. 

Athistaeronuon or La Nation du Feu have never seen Europeans. 

R., 1640, p. 89. 
Achirigouans, church of the. Rel, 1645-6, p. 105. An Algonkin 

tribe. 

Attingneenoognahak or St. Joseph. Mission of. Rel., 1642, p., 84, 
Attikgamigues, mission of. Rel, 1650-1, p. 70. 
Alimouek. Rel, 1666-7, p. 105. 

Atingyahointan or " Nation des Ours," Sagard's Journal, p. 115 
O. H. M. Ms. 

Abino Point. Spelled ' Appineau." Brant's letter. Stone's Brant 
y. II, p. 380. ' 

Abino "Pointe de Bino." Map printed in 1775. Paris, Rue de 
I'universite. 

Abino " Pointe de Bino." Also on manuscrijit map of 1749. See 

*• Pommes." 
Abino, Chippewa word? Scadding's notes to U. C. Top Die. 
Abino, Pt. A. Bino. On map Paris tfc London mem., p. 35. 
Abino, " Abineau," in 1768. On map Paris & London mem., p. 21. 



348 INDEX REE UM. 

Abino, Pt. A. Binot. Mai'giy Memoires Inedites, p. 43. 

Abino Point. (" pointe a Beneaut ") Heriot's Canada, p. 187. 

Appineau Point. History of Erie Co., Penn., p. 73. Stone's Brant. 
II, 380. 

Abineau, voyage dans Penn. Ill, 411. (Crevecoeur) and 415. 

Assininboil Lake called " Lac des isles," and " Michinissi," or 
'■' Grande Eau." Charlevoix V, 272. 

Attignaoantons or Nation des ours. ReL, 1640-1. Table of con- 
tents also, ReL, 1648-9, p. 41. Rel, 1G39-40, p. 39. Con- 
ception, p. 99. 

Attingueenongnahak or St. Joseph's mission. Rel., 1641, p. 33. 
Rel., 1639-40, p. 86 and 79. ReL, 1642-3, p. 67. 

Afctiouandaror.k or Neuter Nation. ReL, 1641, p. 52. See Neater 
Nation. ReL, 1635, p. 16. 

Askikouanchronons the Nipissiriens, so called by the Hurons. ReL, 
1641, p. 86. 

Ahriottaehronon Nation mentioned. ReL, 1839-40, p. 134. 

Attistaehronon Nation mentioned. ReL, 1639-40, p. 134. Nation 
des Feu, 1639-40, p. 118. 

Attiouendarankhronon Nation mentioned. ReL, 1639-40, p. 134' 

Attignaouentan mission has 12 boargs. ReL, 1639-40, p. 99. 
1642-3, p. 35. 

Amikou^B Nation of the Beaver. I Charlevoix, 285. 

Attignoantants Nation mentioned, Champlaia I, p. 356. 

Asistagueronon Nation mentioned. Champlain I, p. 357. 

Attignantans, their country described, Champlain I, p. 372. 

Aiouez V. Charlevoix, p. 433. 

Anie or Aniegue, bourg of, alluded to. ReL, 1667-8, p. 167. 

Adirondacks, Algonquins called Rontaks. See "Rontack." 

Assitqueronon compounded of " Assista,"^re and "Eronon," natioii. 
Sagard, p. 78 (1632 Ed.) 

Achiendase, a Father Superior. ReL, 1657, p. 37. Quebec Ed. 

Animals of Illinois. Margry II, p. 245-170-1. 

Agochiendaga, Clark's Onondaga, 1, p. 149. 

Allotiez Claude. His voyage to the Saut & Nation de Feu. Rel., 
1670-1, p. 157. 



INBJiX BERUM. 349 

Alloiiez Claude, among the Ottawas. Rel., 1667-8, p. 105. Rel., 

1664-6, p. 29. 
Alloiiez Father, went to Alimpegon L. in 1667. Charlevoix II, 

p. 175. 
Alloiiez Father, went to fja Pointe on L. Sup. in 1665. Bancroft 

III, 150. 
Alloiiez Father. His journal. Rel., 1666-7, p. 15. 
Andoonanchi'onon Nation. Rel., 1639-40, p. 134. 
Angoutenc a Hui'on village near L. Huron. Rel., 1637-8, p. 7. 
Aouanchronons mentioned, Rel., 1640-1, p. 216. 
Aonenrehronons ? or Nation du Chat ? (Fries ?) Rel, 1641, p. 82. 
Aoudironon Nation. Rel., 1639-40, p. 134. 
Aoueatsiouenhronon Nation. Rel., 1639-40, p. 134. 
Attochingochronon Nation. Rel., 1639-40, p. 134. 
Aouenrochrhonons Nation. Rel., 1635, p. 164. 
Algonkins called by the Iroquois " Rontaks." Quere. Adirondacs r 

La Fiteau III, p. 84. 
Algonkins and Hurons captive among the Mohawks. Rel., 1667-8, 

p. 50. 
Agoua, a name given by the Neuter Nation to their greatest enemies. 

Rel., 1640-1, p. 71. 
Agochiendaguet^, Indian name of Le Mercier. N. Y. Soc. Bulletin, 

1847, p. 150. 
Atontrataronons, mission of St. Elizabeth among the Algonkins. 

Rel, 1642-3, p. 121, 
Aouenrehronon, Nation du Chat, Rel., 1641, p. 82. 
Aoueatsiouaenronon or people living on the sea shore. Rel., 1645-6, 

p. 105. Ms. 
" Atoka," a wild fruit, size and color of a cherry. Rel., 1656, p. 38. 
Annonkenritaoui, chief of the Senecas. Rel., 1656-7, p. Ms., 98. 
Antouhonorons, Champlain, Canada ed., I, p. 75 (bottom 563). 
Antoworonous, Champlain, map. 
Agochiendagnete. Rel., 1656, p. 13. Clark I, p. 149. King of the 

country. 
Astrolabe, described by La Hontan. Appendix. Eng. ed., vol. I, 

p. 275. 



350 INDEX BER UM. 

Agontenayea, Onondaga river. See Aque. 

Andosagues, Margry II, p. 270. 

Aouigat6, Mohawk captain. Rel., 1657-8, p. 43. 

Atogouaekouan, " Le grand Cuillier," a Mohawk chief. Rel., 
1657-8, p. 69. 

Armstrong, Thos., interpreter on Buffalo creek in July, 1817. 
Alden's Missions, p. 63. 

Au desBUS. Charlevoix, vol. II, p. 352. 

Au deca, on this side. Rel, 1641, p. 49. 

Au dela, on the other side. Rel., 1641, p. 49. 

Assumption river, Ganeniouta. Le Roux's atlas, 1778. 

Anguieout, a Mohawk chief. Rel., 1657-8, p. 43. 

Blacksmith, his Indian name De-o-ni-o-ga-wa, John Stevenson. 

Blacksmith John, his Indian name, Dyii-ne-ho-gaah'-wah, " at the 
open doory The name of the Sachem located at the v/estern 
door of the long house. A. Wright. See VI Col. Doc, 204. 

Batavia, old Indian name, Dio?i'-go-wa, now callod Che-nio?i'-da- 
saiz-geh'. " Musketos residence," in allusion to Ellicott. Black- 
smith. 

Batavia, Quere ? its Indian name Joaika (i. e. Racoon) ? Kirkland* 
MS., quoted in Moulton, p. 16. 

Bark Birch used by the French instead of paper. Rel, 1635, 182. 

Baptism, first by Brebeuf among the Hurons in 1634. Rel., 1635, 
p. 183. Sept. 16, 1634. 

Baptism, first by Brebeuf among the Hurons. Rel., 1635, p. 186, 
occurred 1629. 

Black Rock, Indian name Di-u-sta-gah-eh or " Rocky bank." 

Black Rock, so named from the cornitiferous rock. Van Rensselaer, 
p. 136. 

Black Rock, Seneca name Bybs-ddah'-ga-eh. Dr. Wilson. 

Black Rock, from Os-da ah, " rock," gaah-ga-eh, " resting against." 

Brant, Thayendenegea, means two sticks tied or united. School- 
craft's wigwam, p. 150. 

Brant, his mother was a Mohawk. He was a bastard. H, R. S., 
notes, 440. 



INDEX RER UM. 351 

Brant and Cornplanter were enemies. I Indian State Papers, p. 

167-168. 
Brant, Ta-yen-da-n^-ga. Morgan's League, p. 103. 
Brant, visit to, described, Campbell's Travels, 1791-2, p. 18S. 
Black Joe, house at Cattaraugus. Tui-ner H. Purchase, p. 322. 
Bath, Seneca De-yo'-neh-da-gwen-deh. " An opening within an 

opening." N. H. Parker's letter, July 5, 1876. 
Black Kettle, Kan-ab-je-a-gah. An Onondaga. 1 Clark's Onon., 

p. 89. 
Ballard, Rev. Edward Ballard. Indian names on coast of New 

England. U. S. Coast Survey, 1868, p. 244. 
Baudrane, Ohio, so called by La Salle. Margry, II, p. 80. 
Blainville, Sieur Le Moyne de. 1 Col. Doc, 298. 
Barre La, intended to attack Senecas by Irondequoit bay. 1 Col. 

Doc, 141. 
Baccaloons, J. B. Elliott's map of 1775. Paris notes, p. 74. Penn. 

Col. Doc, V, 634. 
Barbeu river. London and Paris Mems., p. 22. O. H. M. 
Bradstreet, Col. London and Paris Mems., p. 17. O. H. M. 
Batteaux are carried over portage on wheels. London and Paris 

note book, p. 10. 
Brebeuf, Pere Jean, slain by the Iroquois in 1648. Rel., 1653-4, 

p. 87. 
Brebeuf, Pere Jean, called " Schon" by the Indians. Rel, 1639-40. 

Part 2, p. 78. 1648-9, p. 46. 
Brebeuf, Pere Jean, called " Eschom." Rel., 1633, p. 115. Rel., 

1641, p. 63. 
Brebeuf, Pere Jean, burnt by the Mohawks. Rel., 1652-3, p. 102, 

on the 16th March, 1649. Rel, 1648-9, p. 86. 
Brebeuf, Pere Jean, called " Echom." Rel, 1636, p. 139, 154, 95. 

Rel, 1648, p. 96. Rel, 1640-1, p. 178. 
Brebeuf, Pere Jean, narrative of his return journey to the Hurons. 

Rel, 1635, p. 113, etc. 
Brebeuf, Pere Jean, his testament found by Le Moyne at Onondaga 

in 1654. Rel, 1658-4, p. 87. 



352 INDEX BEUVM. 

Brebeuf, Pere Jean, and Dallion went to the Harons in 1626. I 

Le Clercq., 348. 
Brebeuf, Pere Jean, Hurons object to his passage by reason of his 

weight. lb., 344, 
Brebevif, Pere Jean, converted upwards of 7,000 Hurons. Le Clercq 

I, 541. 
Bi'ebeuf, Pere Jean, his hardships as missionary and contentment. 

I Charlevoix, 310. 
Brebeuf, Pere Jean, returns to France in 1629 and back in 1633, 

Rel., 1648-9, p. 5a. 
Brebeuf, Pere Jean, was 3 years among the Hurons about 1626. 

Rel,, 1635, p. 139. 
Brebeuf, Pere Jean, comiDclled to leave Hurons by coming of English. 

Rel., 1633, p. 115, 
Brebeuf, Pere Jean, arrives with Champlain. Rel., 1633, p, 123, 
Bi-ebeuf, Pere Jean, well versed in Huron tongue. Rel., 1642, p. 77. 
Brebeuf, Pere Jean and L'Allemant. Their death witnessed by a 

man subsequently baptized at Cayuga. Rel., 1656-7, p. 161. 
Bressany, Father, his capture by the Iroquois alluded to, Rel,, 

1643-4, p. 35-71. 
Bressany, Father, his capture related. Rel., 1643-4, p. 1S2. 
Belts, see wampum. 

Bressani, arrived among the Hurons. Rel., 1645, p. 74. MS, 
Belle Famille, on the Niagara river. Its location. Pouchot, vol, 

II, p, 55, 
Belle Famille, on the Niagara river. Turner's Holland Purchase, 

p. 211-12. 
Belle Famille, on the American side. Pouchot II, p. 55, n. 
Belle Famille stories. Sir Wm. Johnson, II, p. 422-426, 
Belt, Old, Seneca chief. Stone's Brant II, p, 448, 
Bennett, Jacob, Succeeded Farmers' Brother, Dr. Wilson's lettei 

of Dec, 1, 1851. 
Bennett, Jacob, Seneca name A-o-dah-heh-oh, i. e. "It is lodged 
with ends hanging down." Dr. W. 



INDEX RER XTM. 353 

Beaver. Vessel on Lake Erie in 1Y63. Stone's Johnson II, 107. 
See Vessels. 

Beaver creek. " At the Ohio." 1 Indian treaties, p. 35 3. 

Beaver creek. Buffalo creek so called. Paris MS. map. 

Beaver Island. Formerly 2 islands, Paris and Loudon Mems., 
p. 35. 

Beaujon, a commander at Fort Niagara in 1750. 

Berry, Gilbert, innkeeper at Canawagus in 1792, Campbell's Travels, 
p. 222. 

Brewerton fort, palisaded in 1794. Liancourt II, p. 253. 

Brewerton fort, near an old fort built by the English. Liancourt 
II, p. 253. 

Brewerton, on north side of Onondaga river. London and Paris 
Mems., p. 10. 

Big Kettle, his Indian name on Wilson's hatchet Ganohjowanah. 

Big Kettle, died Aug. 20, 1839. lb. lb. 

Big Kettle, account of. Minnie Myrtle, p. 252. 

Big Kettle, Ga-na-jo-wa-neh. Resided at Squaka hill, N. T. 
Strong's letter, Aug. 2, 1870. 

Big Kettle, Ka-nah-j6-wa-neh (or nca). " Big Kettle." M. B. 
Strong's letter, Feb. 7, 1874. 

Big Kettle, ga-nah-jo-wa-nah. August 20, 1839, ha-we-e-yoah. 

Biart, Pierre. Jesuit. First missionary to Port Royal, Charle- 
voix I, 189. Champlain 1, p. 133. 

Brignac, Sieur de. Tortured and slain by the Oneidas. Rel., 1664-5, 
p. 97. 

Bird, rare bird in Illinois country called Chete. 

British, the, Go-wak'. King. We say Go-wak Ha-o-gweh-dah. 
The king's people. The word Gowak is not used unless in con- 
nection with people or persons. The true name of Britons or 
British is Dyah-htths-kaah, meaning literally people of the 
morning because they came from the east where the morning 
comes from. (Dr. Wilson.) 

Billy, Little, Indian name " Gishkaka." Drake's Indians V. 110. 

Billy, Capt., lived on Smoke's creek, in house by Turnpike. Con- 
jockety. 
45 



354 INDEX REE XTM. 

Bison, its former range. Long's 2d expedition, vol. 2, p. 24. 
Bison, or Buffalo. Do-gi-yah-goli. Dr. Wilson's letter to C. D. M., 

Aug. 4, 1863. 
Big Tree, died while on an embassy to Phila, in April, 1792, Kirk- 
land's Menioirs, p. 325. Buried in Phila. Drake's Indians, 

V, p. 115. 
Big Tree, Indian name Karontowanen. Hough's Ind. Treaties, 343. 
Big Tree, was of the Hawk clan. N. T. Strong's letter, July 5, 1870. 
Big Tree, was pure Seneca and CajDt. Pollard's Grandfather. N. T, 

Strong's letter, July 5, 1870. 
Big Tree, died when Seneca White was very young. N, T. Strong's 

letter, July 5, 1870. 
Big Fin, was interested in Indian history (Seneca White Mem.) 
Big Fin, commanded sometimes in Rev. war, Seneca White. 
Bird Island, large trees grew on it when Seneca White was a boy, 

(F-oi. S. W., June, 1864.) 
Bird Island, its Indian name Gas-dd-o-doh, The Island of the 

Rock (thus given by Seneca White, N, T. Strong, intei'preter. 

Strong's orthography). 
Bird Island, Conjockety's father planted corn on Bird Island, lb. 
Bird Island, extreme end called Rocky Island, lb. 
Bird Island, London and Paris Mems,, p, 36. 
Bird Island, So called from the birds crowding on it, Campbell's 

L, of Clinton, p, 138. 
Bird Island, Dyos-d«-o-doh. Rocky Island. Bird Island under 

water, June 28, 1789, 3-4-5-6-7 and 10 feet. Above in 1785. 

Journal of Albany commenced June 28, 1789. 
Big Sky, his castle 3 miles east of Buffalo castle. Indian State 

Papers, vol. I. 
Bourdon, Le Sieur, embarked for the Moliawks, May 16, 1648. Rel., 

1646, p. 51. 
Boundary questions. Historical notice of. Land Office Report, 

1870, p. 28, 
Boeuf, Fort, Indian name " Casewago." Col, Doc, X, 259, 



INDEX BER UM. 355 

Boeufs, Riviere Aux, supposed to be Oak Orchard Creek. Col. Doc, 

IX, 886. 
Boeufs, Riviere Aux, French creek, IX, Col. Doc, 1035. 
Bois Blanc, described in La Hontan. Fr. Ed., II, 64. 
Bloody run. See Devil's hole. 
Bordell river. London and Paris Mems., p. 22. 
Boundary between Mass. and R. I., unsettled in 1869. Hist. Mag., 

vol. 6, N. S., p. 245. 
Boundary, Nevi^ York. - N. Y. Doc. Hist,, vol. 1, p. 506. 
Boundary, Massachusetts claimed between 42°, 02' and 44°, 15'- 

Hall's Vermont, p. 42. 
Boundary of New York. 1 Doc. Hist., 504. 
Bronnecanips, Pere, II. Dunive, p. 378. 
Broken Straw, its Seneca name De-gah'-syi noh'-dy-ah goh, meaning 

Broken Straw. Mrs. L. H. Wright, letter, Dec. 10, 18V7. 
Buffalo Creek, called by the Indians, " To-se-o-way." EUicott's map. 
Buffalo Creek, called by the Indians " Tey-o-hegh-sco-lea." Indian 

State Papers, vol. I, p. 210-211. 
Buffalo Creek, called by the Indians " Te-hos-e-ro-ron." Laws of 

U. S., vol. 1, p. 307. Indian State Papers, vol. I, p. 1-210. 
Buffalo Creek, north fork called by the Senecas Kah-dah-geh. 

" White Oak timber there." Biacksiiiith. 
Buffalo Creek, middle fork called^ by the Senecas Ka-ii-gweh-o-noh- 

geh. " Place of the Cuyugas." lb. 
Buffalo Creek, south fork, called by the Senecas Gai-noh-deh'-da. 

" R ocky bank and flat." lb. 
Buffalo Creek:, called Do-se-o-way gahonda. Blacksmith, 
Buffalo Creek, great Indian cjuucil held there in 1785. Kirkland's 

Memoirs, p. 260. 
Buffalo Creek, visited by Mr. Kirkland, June 26, 1788. Memoirs, 

p. 286. 
Buffalo Creek, visited by Mr. Kirkland, Oct. 31, 1788, Journal, 

N. Y. S. Lib. 
Buffalo Creek, so named on a plan or map of 1764. Paris and 
London Mems., p. 32. 



356 INDEX RER UM. 

Buffalo Creek, called " Beaver Creek," on Thos. Hutchin's map of 

17V8, No. 4048. Cartes Particulieres Rue de rUniversit^, Paris. 

Paris notes, p. 46. 
Buffalo Creek, visited by Mijor Van Campen in 1782. Van Cam- 
pen, p. 274. 
Buffalo Creek, visited by the Gilbert family iu 1780, etc. Gilbert's 

narrative, p. 43-47-55-57-62-77-36-87-108-115-128-129-143. 
Buffalo Creek, Tiisedwa. Something like a split blanket. Alden's 

Missions, p. 163. 
Buffalo Creek, Jacob Lindley, and Wm. Savery at, Aug. 31, 1793 

vide their narratives. Kite's letter to Fillmore, May 6, 1863. 
Buffalo Creek, Jacob Lindley, and Wm. Savery crossed Niagara 

river at Windccker's ferry. lb. 
Buffalo Creek, Jacob Lindley, and Wm. Savery waited at Winneys 

for Adam Lane. lb. Savary Journal. 
Buffalo Creek, Indian village at, called " 7ieio settlement,^'' Gilbert's 

Narrative, p. 115-116-130. 
Buffalo Creek, Indian village at, see p. 143. lb. 
Buffalo Creek, called Tehoseroron. Indian State Papers, vol. I, p. 

1, and 210. Laws U. S., vol. I, p. 307. 
Buffalo Creek, Beaver Creek. Indian State Papers, vol. I, p. 

207-209. 
Buffalo Creek, name of in treaties referred to by Col. Pickering. 

Stone's Red Jacket, p. 473. 
Buffalo Creek, name in 1785. Indian Treaties, vol. I, p. 111. 
Buffalo Creek, visited by U. S. Commissioners, June 11, 1793, 

MaiS. Hist. Coll., vol. 5. 3d series, 125. 
Buffalo Creek, so called in treaty Ft. Stanwix, 1784. 
Buffalo Creek, mentioned March 26, 1787. Indian Treaties, p. 111. 
Buffalo Creek, mentioned May 16, 1788. Indian Treaties, p. 140-148. 
Buffalo Creek, navigable for boats 8 miles up. Paris note book, 

p. 75. 
Buffaloe Creek. Jos. Brandt dates a letter at, July 14, 1789. N. Y. 

Lib. MSS. 
Buffaloe Creek, Samuel Kirkland visits Oct. 31, 1788. N. Y. Lib. 

MSS. Journal. 



INDEX BER UM. 357 

Buffaloe Creek, capital village on the. Kirkland Journal. N. Y. 

Lib. MSS. Journal. 
Buffaloe, a Cayuga settlement in 1788. A Seneca village a little 

south and contained a council house and 250 wigwams inhabited 

by Onondaga, Cayugas, and Senecas of whom the last pre- 
dominates. Kirkland MS., quoted by Moultou MS. 
Buffalo, early engraving of 1811. Paris and London Mem., p. 34. 
Buffalo, Kaux Boeufs and Petite River aux Boeufs, the two east of 

Fort Niagara. N. Y. S. Lib., No. 18, vol. 1. Ballin's map, 1755. 
Buffalo, Seneca name of village. Dd-syo-wa. A. Wright. 
Buffalo Lick Creek. Harris, Ohio, p. 68. 
Buffalo killed by Mr. Lane near the mouth of Big Sandy creek, in 

Oct., 1785. Olden Time II, 448. Richard Butler's Journal. 
Buffalo, very plenty in droves. 24 miles below Sciota on Buffalo 

Lick creek. lb., 450. 
Buffalo, Mohawk name, De-yo-ho-se-ro-rea, i. e. " Split Bass wood." 

Barefoot. 
Buffalo or Bison. Da-gih-yah-goh. Dr. Wilson's letter to C. D. M., 

Aug. 4, 1863. 
Buft'alo, village of. Rochefaucauld, 1, p. 298 in 1795, referring to 

the Indian village. 
Buffalo, called by Rochefaucauld I, p. 357, " Porte du Lac Erie.'''' 
Buffalo, called by Rochefaucauld I, p. 358. ^^ Lac Erie.'''' 
Buffalo history, by O. H. M. Sketch of. Buffalo Directory for 

1847. 
Buffalo, its site marked " Fort Suppose " on La Hontan's map. 
Buffalo, -a fort recommended on its site called Fort Suppose. La 

Hontan, IV, 180, 218. 
Buffaloes in Ohio. Harris, Ohio, p. 178-169. Taylor's Ohio, p. 

447-8. 
Buffaloes, killed between Muskingum and Sciota in 1755. Smith's 

Account Col. I, p. 29. 
Buffaloes, thirty or forty miles from Tulliho. lb. Large roads, 

etc., etc. 
Buffaloes called Piskiou. Rel., 1670-1, p. 166. 
Buffaloes, Margry, II, p. 244. On the Wabash. 



358 INDEX RER UM. 

Bruyas, Jesuit Father goes with Iroquois deputies. Lettres Edi- 

fiantes, vol. IV, p. 28. Trans., p. 85. 
Bruyas was with an embassy to Onondaga in 1699. Smith's N. Y., 

vol. I, p. 129. 
Bruyas, was with an embassy to Onondaga. See Charlevoix, vol. 3, 
Bruyas, Father. Aiuong the Oneidas. Rel., 1668-9, p. 31. 
Bruyas, Father, preceded La Fiteau. Moeurs, vol. 4, p. 146. 
Bruyas, left for the Iroquois in July, 1667. Rel, 1667-8, p. 14. 
Bruyas, Jacques, arrives at Onueiout in 1667. Sept. Rel., 1667-8, 

p. 63. 
Burial, mode of, among the Hurous. Charaplain I, p. 260. 
Burial of the Alligonantons or Nation des Ours. Champlain I, p. 

393. 
Burial, ancient mode by Iroquois on scaffolds. I Clark, p. 51. 
Burial, modern mode by Iroquois. I Clark, p. 51. 
Brul6, Etienne, barbarously massacred by the Hurons. Rel., 1635, 

p. 129-139. 
Butler's Berry, letter to Capt. John Butler. Schenectady letters, 

January 26, 1768. 
Butlersburg (Niagara), letter of Phyn & Ellice to Walter Butler. 

Schenectady letter, Nov. 13, 1773. 
Butlerburg, opposite Fort Niagara, built by Col. Butler. Gilbert's 

Narrative, p. 52. 
Butler, Richard, Col. His journal in Craig's Olden time, vol. II, 

p. 404. 
Butler, Richard, Col., from near Wilkesbarre. Liancourt, vol. II, 

p. 79. 
Butler, Richard, Col., died 1796. Merritt's MS. 
Butler, Johnston and Andrew mentioned. Campbell's Travels in 

1791 and 2, p. 214. 
Burning spring. N. Y. Col. Doc, vol. IV, p. 750. 
Buck Island. Hough's Jeff. Co., p. 23. See p. 161. 
Bull Fort. Paris notes, p. 46. Paris and Loudon N. B., p. 10. 
Buade, family name of Fronteuac. Le Clercq, II, p. 137 
Cachiadachse, first town of the Onondagas from E. and S. Conrad. 

Weiser's Rep. Penn. Records, p. 660, Vol. 4. 



INDEX RERUM. 3^9 

Carantonan, Champlain, old ed., 1632, 4to, p. 248. 
Cajadachse, first town of the Onondagas! Conrad Weiser's Rep 
Penn. Records, p. 669, Vol. 4. 

Cassouneta, Onondaga village destroyed by Frontenac. Pouchot 
Vol. Ill, p. 140. ' 

Cahihonoiiaghe, " Ou la Famine." Cornelli's map, 1688 (No ri3) 
O. H. M.) See No. (15). ^ -v ) 

Canassaraga castle on Chittenango Cr., near Oneida L. Sonthier's 

map. , 

Cadrauganhie, Sandy Cr. 1 Doc. Hist., p. 153. 
Catagagarenre, De Nouville's expedition. IX Col. Doc, p. 364 
Carleton Island. Hough's Jeff. Co., p. 23. 
Cahihonouaghe, different from Otihanegue ? Delisle's man O H 

M. No. (21). ' i- • • 

Cahihanouage, on Popple's map of 1733. 
Cahungago, an Indian town near and south of Oneida Lake. Paris 

Mem. book, p. 9. 
Cahaquaraghe, Indian town of the. Paris Mem. book A, p. 9. 
Cannagaro, II Margry, 99. Residence of Refeix. 
Canoes, Iroquois make them of elm bark. 1 La Hontan, Eng. ed 82 
Canoes, elm bark. How made. Margry II, p. 62. ' 

Canoes, birch bark. Described. 1 Margry, 173. 
Cayuga mission at, in 1657. Rel., 1664-5, p. 47. 
Cayuga Lake, Goyii-gwah. Gonyudaib. Mrs. Wright's letter Deo 

19, 1879. 
Campbell, Don, lieut. of R. A. regiment. Killed at massacre of 

Devil's hole. Paris and London Mem., 17 also p. 12. 
Canoscraca, London and Paris Mems , p. 26. 
Canonda Lake. London and Paris Mems., p. 30. 
Cadaraqui, an original name. Weld., Vol. II, p. 88. See "Kino-s- 

ton." Tatler, May 13, 1710. Spectator, 1711, No. 50. 
Cadaraqui fort. Named after the river on which it is situated. Weld 

p. 66. ' 

Cadaraqui, its etymology, " Strongest fort in the country:' Drake's 

Indians, Book V, p. 14. 
Caghnawaga church there at an early day. H. R. S., notes, n. 1 87. 



360 INDEX EER UM. 

Cayuga, a mission there called Saint Joseph. Rel., 1668-9, p. 59. 
Cayuo^a town called " Thiohero," from the abundance of rushes 

Rel., 1668-9, p. 67. 
Cayuga Island, so called by the Senecas. Blacksmith. 
Cayuga creek, Niagara Co., so called by the Senecas. Blacksmith. 
Cayuga creek, applied to Gill creek. Savary's Journal, p. 360-331. 
Cayuga lake, " Lao Tiohero." Docs. Col. of N. Y., Ill, p. 251. 
Cayuga,branch of Buffalo creek. Gah-dali'-gSh. " Fishing place 

with scoop basket." Wilson & A. Wright. 
Cayugas called " Otiioenrhonons." Rel., 1635, p. 164. " Gioen." 

Rel., 1667-8, p. 95. 
Cayugas, 2000 souls and 300 warriors in 1669. Rel., 1668-9, p. 80. 
Cayugas mission established among them in 1657. Relation, 1664-5, 

p. 47. 
Cayugas, a small band on the northern bank of Lake Ontario. Rel., 

1667, p. 13. 
Careilt, Jesuit missionary. Was 60 years among the Lidians. 

Charlevoix II, p. 185. Ill Bancroft, 303. 
Carheil, his character, etc. Charlevoix II, 185-189. 
Carheil Etienne, among the Cayugas. Rel., 1668-9, p. 59. 
Carhiel, leaves for the Iroquois. Rel., 1867-8, p. 97-100. Cayugas. 
Cabins, Indian, described. Rel., 1635, p. 153. 

Cadaracqui, a Mohawk word (Tarac, Rocks). Schoolcraft's Wig- 
wam, p. 302. 
Canandaiqua (Kanadalaugua). The Indian town \ mile from the 
lake, destroyed by Sullivan 20 or 30 houses (log). Hubley's 
Journal. Miner's Hist. Wyoming. 
Cadaraqui, spelled Kadaraghkie. London Doc, p. 159, Vol. 5. 
Cadranganhie and Aranhage. I Col. Doc, 249. 
Carignau Salieres. Regiment of, etc, mentioned. Rel., 1667-8, p. 

7. 2 Le Clercq., p. 68. 
Captives, 5 captives, including one Andasto6 taken and presented to 

the French king. Rel, 1667-8, p. 8. 
Canada, etymology of the name. Charlevoix II, p. 13. Lescar- 

bot, 249. I, p. 13". 
Canada, a glowing description of. Le Clercq, I, p. 190. 



INDEX RER UM. 361 

Canada, restored to France in 1632. lb., 430. 
Canada, signifies "land." Sienr Belle forest in Lescarbot, p. 250. 
Canada, signifies " city." Sieur Belle forest m Lescarbot, j^. 251. 
Canada, is properly the name of a province. Lescarbot, p. 250. 
Cannewagus, " It has the smell of the scum:'' Rev. Asher Wrio-ht. 
Campbell, J. V. Outlines of the Political History of Michigan 

8vo, 1876. 
Caron, Le, went to Canada in 1615. I Le Clercq, p. 56. 
Caron, Le, returned to France in 1625. lb., p. 325. Died March- 

29, 1632. Le Clercq, I, 438. 
Caron, Le, compiled a Huron dictionary. Le Clercq, I, p. 327. 
Caron, Le, accompanied Champlain to the Hurons in 1615. Char- 
levoix I, 238. 
Caron, Le, was with Sagard and Viel among the Hurons in 1623-4. 

Le Clercq I, 320. 
Cahiague village of the Hurons. Champlain I, p. 328. 
Carragouha, most famous village of the Hurons. Le Clercq I, 76. 
Cayuga, mission at, in 1657. Rel., 1664-5, p. 47. 
Casewago, Indian name of Fort Le Beuf. Col. Doc, Vol. X, p. 259. 
Cattaraugus,' "Cataraguors," 80 miles from Fort Niagara. Gilbert's 

Narrative, p. 88. 
Cattaraugus, Catfisb creek. Paris, note B, 75. Gilbert's Narrative, 

p. 97-93-5. 
Caracadera, 7 miles from " Nundow," and 130 from Fort Niagara. 

lb. lb., p. 38. 
Callender, Amos. A teacher of music to the Senecas in 1820. 

Alden's missions, p. 96. 
Cartwright, Robert, at Canadasege, Aug. 2-6 & 17, 1779. Mer- 

ritt's MS. 
Cannon, brass 6 pounder, to be placed on a vessel in Lake Erie in 

1794. Merritt's MS. 
Cazenovia, branch of Buffalo creek Ga-e-na-dah-daah. "Slate rock 

bottom." Wilson & A. Wright. 
Carantouanis, Champlain, p. 8, old ed. S. of Antouhonorons. 
Carantonan village, p. 248. Champlain, old ed. 
46 



263 INDEX RERTJM. 

Calamet, Garnier's La Salle, p. 368. 

Cattaraug-us creek (or 18 mile creek) river " Puante " Ms. map Rue 

de I'Universite, Paris. See " Pomones.'''' 
Cavacadera, Gilbert, narrative, p. 93. Seven miles from Nunda, 

p. 97. 
Catfish creek. " 14 miles on Lake Erie." " Siege of Detroit," p. 75n. 
Canadian commanders of Fort Niagara: 

Sir Wm. Johnson, from IV59 to 1760. 
Gen. Gage, from 1760 to 1760. 

" Monckton, 1761. 
Major J. Breckith, 1761. 

" Waters, from 1761 to 1762. 
" Matthews, from 1761 to 1762. 
Col. Hunt, from 1762 to 1763. 
" Browning, from 1763 to 1764. 

Under whom Lieut. Depeyster first mill in 1 764. 
'' Bradstreet, from 1764 to 1765. 
" Vaughn, from 1765 to 1766. 
Lieut. Campbell, from 1766 to 1766. 

" St. Clair & Com. W. Robinson, fronJ 1766 to 1707. 
Capt. Arnott, from 1766 to 1767. 
Major Brown, from 1767 to Nov., 1771. 

" Smith, from Nov. 28, 1771 to 1773. 
Lieut. Col. Bolton, from 1773 to Oct., 1780. 

" Hunter, from 1782. 
Brig. Gen. McLean. 

Upper Canada governors. Caniff's U. C, 670. 
Canesteo, Ga-nes-dyoh. "Board in the water." N. PI. Parker's 

letter, July 5, 1876. 
Cassouneta, Onondaga village destroyed by Vaudreuil (on a brook). 

Pouchot ni, 140. 
Canadasera, on south side Oneida lake inland. Paris & London 

Mems., p. 27. 
Cendre Chaude or Hot Ashes. A Mohawk chief, one of the raur- 
derei-s of Brebeuf. 



INDEX RER UM. 363 

Ceiulre Chaude, killed on Do Nouville's expedition. II Charle- 
voix, 354. 
Cession of states to U. S., of western lauds. Olden time, vol. 1, 

p. 55.«. 
Celoron, bis expedition noticed. Lead plates, etc. Olden time I, 

p. 238-40, 268-9, 288, 336. 
Celoron, Spark's letters, 2, p. 430n. Noticed. Penn. Col. Records, 

V, p. 435-530-634. 
Celoron, see Paris note, p. 92. 
Celoron, mentioned. Shea's Rel., p. 88. 
Champlain wounded at Onondaga. 1 Le Clercq, 86. 
Champlain, his arrival in Canada detailed. Rel., 1G33, p. 123. 
Champlain, notes on. O. H. M. Mem. book. 

Chamblay, Mouniu de, built Fort Richelieu. Rel, 1664-5, p. 42. 
Champlain, editions of. 1603. 1613. 1619-20. 1632. 
Champlain, arrived at Quebec from France, May 23, 1633. Left 

France March 8, 1633, crossing east end L. Ontaiio. Canniffe, 

p. 133. 
Champlain, his petition to the king. Paris notes, p. 30. 
Champlain 48-days in reaching Iroqui)is Fort. Le Clercq, 1, 80. 
Champlain was from Sept. 1 to Jan. 4 on the expedition. lb., p 87. 
Champlain, P. Margry's note on, 1830. Paris notes, p. 112 and p. 90. 
Chauiplain, spent the winter among the Areiidachronoas. Rel., 

1639-40, p. 146. 
Champlain, Warred vs. the Iroquois with Hurons, Algonkius and 

Montagnais, 1 Le Clercq, 25. 
Champlain, sailed for N. Fi-ance in 1608. Voyages, Vol. 1, p. 151, 
Champlain encounters the Iroquois in Lake Cham])lain. Vol. 1, 

p. 198. 
Champlain, his funeral sermon preached in |1635 by Le Jeune. 

O'Callahan Jesuits, p. 145. 

Chaouauons exterminated by the Iroquois in 1672. II Charle- 
voix, 244. 
Chaumonot, left for Cayuga and Seneca. Rel., 1656-7, p. 158. 
Chapel built among the Hurons, its size, etc. Rel., 1637-8, p. 65. 



364 INDEX BEB U3f. 

Chauraonot at Onondaga. Rel., 1657-8, p. 30. 
Chagoiiamigong or bay du St. Esprit. Rel., 1666-7, p. 40. 
Chautauqua lake. "Lac Tjadakoin." Ms. map of 1749. See 

" Pommes^ 
Chautauqua lake. Chadakoin. Col. Doc., VI, p. 837. 
Chautauqua, carrying place at lake. Col. Doc, VI, p. 837. 
Chautauqua B. Chadakoins (below the lake outlet). Col. Doc, 

VI, p. 836-837 and p. 610-11. X, p. 255. 
Chautauqua, Chatacouit. X, Col. Doc, 255. 
Chautauqua, Schatacoin. B. Pouchot III, p. 179. Pouchot's 

map, Vol. III. 
Chautauqua, Tchadakoin river. Col. Doc, VI, p. 610-611. 
Chautauqua creek called Conduit Cr., on Mitchell's map of 1755. 

Paris Mems., p. 9 and 72. 
Chaudiere river on Lake Erie. Paris and London Mems., p. 22. 
Chaudiere, Sant de. A famous place of Iroquois ambush. Rel., 

1635, p. 157. 
Chautauque portage, 20 miles from " Jadaxque," on Lake Erie to 

Jadaxque Lake. lb. lb. 
Chautauqua Creek and carrying place (Jadaghque). Stone's John- 
son, II, p. 469. 
Chaud-dauk'-wa, as pronounced by Cornplanter. Alden's missions, 

p. 160. 
Chaud-dauk'-wa, Radix, is " a child.'''' It was swept away by waves 

on the lake. lb. 
Chadakoin, Col. Doc, Vol. 6, p. 836-7. Carrying place cut there. lb. 
Charte annexed to Rel., 1670-1. Described. Rel., 1666-7, p. 1. 
Chabanel, Pere. His death. Rel., 1649-50, p. 55. 
Chabert, brother of Joucaire. Pouchot, Vol. II, p. 37. 
Chabert, commandant of the fort at portage (Schlosser). Pouchot, 

II, p. 40. 
Chabert, London and Paris Mems., pp. 16-19. 
Chatacouit, Chautauque. Col. Doc, X, p. 255. 
Chatacoin, see Pouchot map and text. 
Chautauque, Seneca name " Jah-dah-gwah," from Ga-joh. " Fish," 



• INDEX REBUM. 365 

and Ga-dah-gwah " taken out." Originally Ga-ja-dah-gwah. 

(Wilson.) 
Chautauqua called " Jadaxque," on Pownal's map, Vol. II, No. 11, 

lYYe. N. Y, S. L., and on Lewis Evan's map of 1755. 
Cheektowaga, Jiibk'-do-waah'-gah. Place of crab apple. Dr. 

Wilson. 
Chenussio, Guy Johnson's map of 1771. Doc. Hist. N. Y., 4, p. 660. 
Cheveux relevez, term explained as applied to the (Ottawas). Rel., 

1653-4, p. 44. 
Cheveux relevez, nation of Champlain, I, p. 324. Term explained 

by Sagard. 0. H. M. Ms. 
Chenango, Shenango, " Ghenmg'Ae,'''' now Warren, Pa. Col. Doc, 

X, 249. 
Chevreaux, east end of Lake Ontario. Hough's Jeff. Co., p. 23. 
Chippewa river, visited by Hennepin. Eng. edition, p. 40. 
Chippewa river, Indian name " Chenondac." Pouchoc II, p. 46-92. 
Chippewa river, " Riviere aux Tourtes," on MS, map. Rue de 

I'Universite, no date. 
Chippewa creek, J6-no dak, ^^ shallow water'''' in the Niagara liver. 

Fording place. J. B. and Dr. W. 
Chippewa creek, abounds in fine wood for ship building, etc. Pou- 

chot III, 174. 
Chippewa creek, called Welland river, July 16, 1792. U. C. 

Gazeteer, p. 64. 
Chippewa, fort at. Liancourt, Vol. II, p. 17. 
Chippewa fort mentioned. Crevecour voyage, Vol. II, p. 193. 
Chicago, means " skunk " or " Avild onion," Kang. Porcupine, 

She Kang Pole cat. Schoolcraft's Wigwam, 305. 
Chicago, mentioned by Charlevoix, Vol. II, p. 235. 
Chicago river, called Checagou and Divine river. Le Clercq., 2, 

p. 214. 
China, Canada a short way to. Le Clercq., I, p. 195. 
China, an Englishman and servant in search of passage. Rel., 

1639-40, p. 135. 
Chief, installation of at Tadoussac. Rel., 1643-4, 254. 



366 INDEX BER TIM. 

Chief warrior at Cattaraugus. Wen-dung -guh-tah. " He has just 

gone by.'''' Alden's Missions, p. 73. 
China breast plate, Indian. Indian Treaties, Vol. I, p. 214. 
Chowder (?) among the Hurons. Champlain I, p. 262 and 376. 

Hennepin II, 111. 
Cibola, I Margry, 439-582 (Sibola). 
Ciboire, given by LaVal. Relation G. Library, p. 26. 
Claire, Saint, lake, called " Ot si-ke-ta," by the Iroquois. Hennepin, 

p. 27. 
Claire, Saint, so named by the voyagers in the Griffin. Hennephi, 

p. 27. 
Claire, Lake St., called " Otseha^'' Cox's Louisiana, p. 52. 
Claire, Lake St., called " Tsiheto:' Paris map of 1688 (No. 1, N. Y.) 
Clerc, Christian Le. His real name Valentine Le Roux. Hennepin 

II, 175. I, 240. 
Clerc, Christian Le. His etablissement du foi, very rare. Spark's 

life of La Salle. 
Clercq Le, returned to Canada in 1687. Le Clercq, I, 427. 
Clercq Le, provincial commissary of the Recollects. Hennepin, I, 

p. 240. 
Cleveland, Ga-yoh-hah-geh. Dr. Wilson's letter, July 22, '54. 
Clock, its effect upon the Hurons. Rel., 1635, p. 159. 
Clock, curious, p. 176 of Sutcliff's Travels (at Batavia). 
Clock, curious, p. 145. Campbell's life of Clinton, 1810. 
Copper mines, found near the mouth of the St. Croix. Charlevoix 

II, 227. 
Copper mines, sought for on Lake Superior by F. AUouez, Aug., 

1665. Bancroft 3 vol., p. 150. 
Copper mines, Schoolcraft, p. 162-142-172. Henry, p. 194-204- 

230-234-213. 
Copper mines, on Lake Superior. La Hontan, Vol. I, p. 214. Rel., 

1659-60, p. 44. 
Copper mines in the Illinois river. Hennepin, Eng. ed.. Vol. II, 

p. 189. 
Copper ornaments, Charlevoix, V, p. 415. 



INDEX BERUM. 367 

Copper mines on a branch of the Chippewa river by Le Sueur, 

Long's 2d Ex. I, p. 319. 
Copper mines, see Weld's travels, Vol. II, p. 71. 
Copper mines alluded to (in Canada). Le Clercq,, I, p. 193, 1621. 
Copper, see AUouez Journal. Rel, 1666-7, p. 33. Rel., 1670-1, 

p. 93. 
Cold Spring (Caledonia) called Te-o-ni-go-no by the Senecas. H. R. 

S. Rep., p. 223. 
Cold Spring (Caledonia) in Seneca Dyo-ne-ga-no. N. H. Parker's 

letter, Feb. 6, '66. 
Conkhandeenrhonons, a Huron Iroquois nation. Rel., 1635, p. 164. 

(Vide K-o.) 
Conesus called Kanaghsas, by Hubley in Journal of Sullivan's Ex. 

(10 houses). Miner's Wyoming App., p. 98. 
Coshong, see Gaghsiungua. 

Coal picker, Ye-jas-dah'-dah-gwah. Dr. Wilson. 
Corlart, his being drowned in Lake Champlain mentioned. Rel, 

1667-8, p. 18. 
Cosmogony, Indian. I Le Clercq., 270. Rel., 1635, p. 166-197. 
Crevecour (1758), his map described. Paris notes, p. 68. 
Cr^vecour, his Indian name Kahioharah. Letters, 2, p. 410. 
Crevecour, Paris notes, p. 118. 

Creve Coeur fort. Built on a small eminence. 2 Le Clercq, 159. 
Criminal law of the Iroquois. N. T. Strong's letter to C. D. M., 

Jan. 2 and 23, 1865. 
Cornelius creek, its Seneca name O-gah'-gwaah'-geh. The place of 

the sun fish. A negro lived there with a red spot in one eye 

like a rock bass (or sun fish's) eye. Tommy Jemmy and Con- 

jockety interpreted by Dr. Wilson, June, 1849. Turner's 

Phelps and Gorham, p. 406. 
Cornelius creek, Gah'-gwdah, Wright. Hoch bass. 
Cornelius creek, two negroes lived there. Runaway slaves, younger 

called So-wak, " Duck." Both moved to Canada. Gone two 

years, came back. Both died before Conjockety moved from 

Cornelius creek. R. Bass died after war, was of some note 

among the whites. Conjockety, June, 1864. 



368 INDEX RER UM. 

Conception bourg of, at Seneca. Rel., 1670-1, p. 70. 16V2-3 

(Shea), p. 108. 
Conception I, Duniol, p. 271. P. Raffeix has charge of. lb., p. 273. 
Conneaut, Ga-ne-ot. " Snow in the valley." 
Cornplanter, or John O'Bail. Ga-nio-di-euh ? Stone's Red Jacket, 

p. 423. Capt. O'Bail, Taylor's Ohio, 428. 
Cornplanter, resided on a branch of the Alleghany near Oil creek. 

Indian State Papers, vol. 1, p. 146. 
Cornplanter, notice of. Penu. Hist. Coll., 656. 
Cornplanter, died March 7, 1836. lb. Over 100 years old. Drake, 

V, p. 120. 
. Cornplanter, was son of John O'Bail of Patchen. H. Dutch. 
Cornplanter's father. His name Avas John O'Beal an Irish Roman 

Catholic priest. Alden's missions, p. 19. 
Cornplanter's oldest son's name was Henry O'Beal. Alden's Mis- 
sions, p. 26. 
Cornplanter's oldest son was called " Major " in late war. Six years 

at school in Phil. lb., p. 26. 
Cornplanter's x\a,mQ KiendtioohJce. *■' The planter." Alden's Mis- 
sions, p. 138. 
Cornplanter's name sometimes " JVbnuh " or " thoilghtfuV lb. lb., 

p. 138. 
Cornplanter's name in common conversation Shinnewannah. lb. 

lb., p. 138. 
Cornplanter's residence, called Ginashadgo in 1794. Letter to 

Wm. Ketchum. 
Connecticut, boundary line with New York. Report Com'rs of 

1861. 
Council, Indian, held at Buffalo creek in June, 1789. IST. Y. Indian 

Treaties, 824-328-356. 
Council, important Indian, at Buffalo creek, Sept., 1785. Spark's 

Am. Biog., 15, 266. 
Compounding of Seneca words. How done. Wright's Spelling 

Book, p. 109. Quebec Hist. Soc. Huron Gramm., p. 191. 
Crooks, Ramsay, mentioned at Niagara in 1 792. Campbell's Travels, 

p. 216. 



INDEX REU UM. 369 

Conhocton, in Seneca, Gah-hah'-doh. " Log in tlie water." N. H. 

Parker, July 5, '76. 
Couis Islands, in eastern end of Lake Ontario. Sauthier's map. 

1 Doc. Hist., p. 283. 
Couis Islands, 1 Doc. Hist., p. 312. Col. Doc, X, 351. Eighteen 

leagues from Kingston. 
Couis Islands, 1 Doc. Hist., Tryon's map. 
Couis Islands, see Ecoui. Pouch ot III, p. 107. Ocouis, Mai'gry 

I, 498. 
Couis bay. Same as Quinte. Tryon's map. 1 Doc. Hist. V. 

" Ecouis." 
Couis bay and islands, indicating a line of travel. Caniffe's Canada, 

407-477-133 and 377. 
Comet, Dec. 19, 1680. Margry, vol. II, p. 136. 1 Margry, 522. 
Colbert river. Margry II, 245-244-80, V. lb., 273. 
Colbert river. (Mississippi). 1 Margry, 481. Joliet map. 
Colbert, applied to the Mississippi by La Salle. 1 Margry, 595. II 

Margry, 52. 
Colbert died in 1677. Margry I, 259. II, p. 52-80. 
Conasadauga, Robert Eastman's narrative. Ann. Reg., vol. 1, p. 

301. 1758. 
Cohnewago, Robert Eastman's narrative. Ann. Reg., vol. 1, p. 

301. 1758. 
Cross lake. Tiocton. Paris notes, p. 29. 
Conty, fort named after Prince C. Margry 1, p. 392. 
Cocknewago, London and Paris Mems., p. 14. 

Chouontouarons, Champlain, Canada Ed. I, p. 521. II. lb., p. 910, 
Conestogues, Andastogues. Shea's Catholic Missions, p. 249 n. 
Cold, Capt. An Onondaga at Buffalo, Ut-ha-wah. 1 Clark, 124. 
Coqs d'Inde, prairie cocks. Ill Margry, 503. 
Conduit creek, opposite Lake Chautauqua on Lake Erie. Mitchell's 

map. Amsterdam, vol. 1, No. 41. Paris notes, p. 72. 
Coffe House, an Onondaga born near Geneva, at Braddock's defeat, 

1775. Alden's Missions, p. 73. 
Contareia, near mouth of Salmon river. Sandy creek. (?) Rel., 1656, 

p. 10. 
47 



370 IND EX BER TIM. 

Coast survey, index to, vol. for 1864, 

Conjockety creek, Seneca name Gah-noh'-gwat-geh. 

Conjockety creek, Seneca name Ska-diu'-gwa-dih. 

Conjockety creek, its old name which has no meaning is " Ga-noh'- 

gwaht-geh." Tommy Jemmy and Conjockety interpreted by 

Dr. Wilson, June, 1849. 
Conjockety creek, Ga-noh'-gwaht-geh. Don't know the meaning 

(Dr. Wilson). Old name. 
Conjockety creek, Ska-dyoh'-gwa-dih. " Beyond the multitude." 

Present name and name of the man who lived at the mouth of 

of the creek. 
Conjockety, Philip, George and Joe. (Asa Pratt.) 
Conjockety, Philip, his youths or 2d name Ji-ya'-go-waah. "Large 

dog." A. Wright's letter Nov. 10, '69. 
Conjockety, Philip, his last name after war of 1812, Gat-go'-wah- 

dah', or dressed deer skins. A. Wright. 
Conjockety, Philip, was over twenty years old when his father died. 
Conjockety, Shendyowghgwatte. Indian Treaties, vol. II, p. 259-332. 
Conjockety, Sqa-dyuh'-gwa-dih. A. Wright and Dr. Wilson's letter. 

April 2, '66. 
Conjockety, 1789, Skenhyoghkenadogh. Hough's Indian Treaties, 

p. 332. 
Conjockety, died April 1, 1866, aged 120 years? N. T. Strong's, 

letter, April 2d, 1866. 
Conjockety, died April 1, 1866. Dr. Peter Wilson's letter April 

2d, 1866. 
Conjockety, the Indian of that name a descendant of the Kahkwas. 

Conjockety says so himself. Dr. Wilson. 
Conjockety, "Scojockquody," John, Buried Oct. 7^ 1808. Granger's 

letter to Parish, 1808. 
Conjockety got drunk at Buffalo and perished on his way to Indian 

village, lb. 
Conjockety, Shendyoughgwatte. Second man of influence among 

the Senecas at Buffalo. Supp. to Kirkland's Journal, 1788. 

Albany Indian Treaties, vol. II, p. 259. 



INDEX RERUM. 371 

Conjockety, Gah-uoh-gwat-geh, has reference to wild grass growing 
on the stream. Seneca White, June 30, '64, 

Conjockety, lived just below the iron bridge at mouth of small 
stream. Conjockety, June, '64, 

Conjockety moved from Conjockety creek, after the Avar. Three 
families, three houses. Conjockety, June, '64. 

Conjockety, Ska-dyoh'-gwa-dih. The other side of the multitude. 
Conjockety, June, 1864, Strong, 

Conjockety, has heard Kahkwah language spoken, good many words 
like Seneca. Conjockety, June, '64, N. T. S. 

Conjockety, " my father was captured fi-om Kahkwahs a little north- 
east of White's Corners." Conjockety, June, '64. 

Conjockeljy, only remains of a village he saw there were cedar posts. 
" My father told me they were posts of the Kahkwas." Con- 
jockety. 

Conjockety, called himself 100 years old. Conjockety, 1864. 

Conjockety, was born on Tonewanda Island and lived thei"e. Con- 
jockety, 1864. 

ConjocketYj his ancestors lived on Tonewanda Island lon^ before 
Revolutionary war. Conjockety, 1864. 

Conjockety, afterwards moved to ISTunda, then to Genesee river, 
then driven to Fort Niagara. 

Conjockety, I was six years old (fifteen, 2d interview) when I left 
Nunda. 

Conjockety, " am ten years younger than Asa Pratt's father." Con- 
jockety, 1864. 

Conjockety, if ten years younger than Asa Pratt's father, then he 
was born in 1774. See O. Allen's letter of Nov. 16, 1869, 

Conjockety, lived on this side Genesee river below Big Tree, Con- 
jockety, 1864. 

Conjockety, " drove a horse when I fled to Fort Niagara in August." 
Conjockety, 1864. 

Conjockety, staid at Fort Niagara that winter, next winter at 
Niagara Falls. Conjockety, 1864. 

Conjockety, " not a soul from Fort Erie to Fort Niagara on Canada 
side when I came there." Conjockety, 1864. 



3 72 INDEX REE TIM. 

Conjockety, west bank of IsTiagai'a overrim with elk, deer, bear and 

turkeys. Conjockety, 1864. 
Conjockety, family of " Scaghtjecitors." Turner's H. Purchase, 

p. 316. 
Conjockety, see second letter from O. Allen, Nov. 17, 1869. 
Cusick, Nicholas, notice of. N. Y. Indian Treaties I, 38. 
Cusick, Nicholas, Indian name " Kayhnotho." N. Y. Treaties I, 38. 
Cusick, Nicholas, born Juue 15, 1756, died Oct. 29, 1840. N. Y. 

Indian Treaties, I, 38. 
Cunningham, Archibald, at Niagara in 1780. Merritt's MS. 
Danoncaritaoui, see Sonnkeritaoui (lives near Tonewanda). Dr. 

Wilson. 
Daniel, Pere Antoine, slain by the Iroquois. ReL, 1648-9, p. 11. 
Daniel, Pere Antoine, slain July 4, 1648. ReL, 1648-9, p. 107. 
Daillon, Pere Joseph de la Roche. A Recollect, visited the Neuter 

Nation in 1626. Rel, 1641, p. 60. 
Daillon or D'Allion ari'ived in N. France in 1625. I Le Clercq, 

p. 308. 
Daillon or D'Allion went to the Hurons, Oct., 1626. I Le Clercq, 

348. 
Daillon or D'Allion went to the Neuter Nation in 1626. Le Clercq 

I, p. 348. 
Days Journey, 4 or 5 days journey is 40 leagues. ReL, 1641, p. 48. 
Davost, Amboise P., died of scurvy at sea. ReL, 1642-3, p. 271. 
Dablon, Claude, at Onondaga. Relation, 1667-8, p. 30. 
Danoncaritowi, on east side Genesee river. L. Evans' map of 1755. 
Danoncaritowi, see Col. Doc, VI, p. 609. " Onoghcaritawey." 
Danoncaritowi, see Penn. Col. Records Y, p. 508. " Onoghcarit- 
awey. 
Dace, Capt., at Fort Niagara in 1780. Gilbert's Narrative, p. 65. 
David, Capt., see Indian Treaties of N. Y. Index (by Hough). 
David, Capt., described. Miss Powell's Journal. Ketchum, vol. II. 
David, Capt., an Oneida in 1787. Indian Treaties, vol. I, p. 122 

and 246. 
David, Capt., died in Oct, or Nov., 1790. Indian Treaties, vol. II, 

p. 464. 



INDEX RER UM. 373 

David, Capt., Indian name Keanyako. Indian Treaties I, p. 246. 
David, Capt., a Mohawk, refen-ed to by F. Brother. Stone's Red 

Jacket, p. 189, old ed., p. 95, 
David, see post " Hill Davids 

David, Capt., mentioned in Campbell's Travels, p. 212. 
Detroit called Teushsagrondie, place of the turning or turned chan- 
nels. Schoolcraft's Wigwam, p. 305. 
Denonville, his Seneca expedition alluded to. Le Clercq, vol. II, 

p. 404. 
Denonville expedition in 1687. 
Denonville, first night on an island, next at Cadranganhie (Sandy 

creek ?). I Doc. Hist., p. 153. 
Devil's Hole, affair at the, took place Sept. 14, 1763, Annual Reg., 

vol. 6, p. 31. 
Devil's Hole, 70 killed and whole detachment destroyed. lb. lb. 
Devil's Hole, Dyos-da'-nyah-goh. '' It has cleft the rocks off," from 

Dyo-ydh-goh. " It has cleft off," and Os-dd-ah " Rock " (J. 

B, and Dr. W.,) applied also to Bloody Run. See further in 

Wilson's MS. 
Devil's Hole, massacre of detachment going to Detroit. Mer- 

ritt's MS. Stone's Johnson II, p. 207. 
Devil's Hole, affair at. N. Y. Col. Doc, Vol. VII, p. 562. 
Devil's Hole, massacre at, described. Siege of Detroit, p. 80. 

London and Paris notes, pp. 12 and 17. 
" Deserts," French, meaning of, in America. Pouchot, Vol. II, 

p. 48. Margry, Doc. 3, p. 477. 
Dember, Stone's Johnson, vol. II, p. 449. 
Dembler, Stone's Johnson, vol. II, p. 450. 
De Peyster, Col., removed to Niagara in May, 1784. Taylor's Ohio, 

p. 394. 
De Peyster, Col., (!bmmandant at Detroit. Heckewelder, 356. II 

Olden time, 417. 
De Peyster, Lieut., builds mill at Niagara Falls in 1767. Mer- 

ritt's MS. 
Deposter, Major S. C, commandant at Mackinaw in 1778. School- 
craft Indians, vol. Ill, p. 335, 



374 ^ INDEX REBTIM, 

Degree defined. Olden Time, vol. I, p. 150, mde p. 532, 
Destroy-town, Oh-sha-go-wo?z'-da-gaeh. " He has destroyed their 

town." A. Wright's letter, Dec. 15, 1874. 
De La Barre expedition in 1684. 
Dehatkatons, present keeper of the fire at Onondaga (1847). I 

Clark, 124. 
De Soto, Margy II, p. 96-197. 
Deserter, to clear land. Champlain, 581. 
Deej) spring, eastern door of the Onondagas. 

Dionderoga, mouth of Scoharle creek. Schoolcraft's Report, p. 187. 
Dionderoga, see Tionnontoguen. 
Dionderoga, or Fort Hunter. lb. 
Dionderoga, church there at an early day. lb. 
Disease, fatal among the Hurons, described. Rel., 1635, p. 134. 
Dictionary, Iroquois, prepared by the Fathers. Rel., 1656-7, p. 183. 
Divine river. Desplaiues so called by Joliet. II Margry, 137. 
Dolbeau, Pere Jean, drowned at sea. Rel., 1642-3, p. 27 1. 

Dog, white, sacrifice of, alluded to. Rel., 1635, p. 174. 
Docksteder, Lieut., mentioned in Goring's MS., letter of Sept. 12, 

1779. 
Dulhut, built a fort on Lake Superior. La Hontau, T., I, p. 214. 
Dulhut, sketch of by La Salle. II Margry, p. 253. 
Du Gue, Le Sieur Dugue de Boisbriand. Charlevoix IX, 197. 
Du Gay, Picard, with Hennepin in his expeditions. Hennepin I, 225. 
Duncan, monopolises carrying place at Niagara. Stone's Johnson 

II, 440. 
Duncan, John, a merchant of Schenectady, died May 5th, 1791, 

aged 69. Siege of Detroit, p. 269. 
Etang, Champlain, old ed., 192-193-242-243. Do., index, p. 31. 

Relation Abrege, p. 146. 
Etang, Champlain, Quebec edition, 865-866-900-^02-510. 
Etang. Rel., 1656, p. 36. 
Etang, pond at Source of south-west branch of Fish creek. Map 

Scriba Patent, p. 236, No. 76. 
Etang, Thomassy's La Salle, p. 13 and 15. (Lake Pontchartien ?) 

Paris Mem. B., p. 76. 



WDEX REBXIM, 375 

Etang dormante, Champlain II, p. 926 Carte of 1604, p. 760. 
Ekaentohon, Isle of. Retreat of the Hurons. Rel., 1650-1, p. 27, 

1670-1, p. 115. Ekaentouton. Rel, 1670-1, p. 118-144-150. 
Elans, et cerfs called by the French " yaclies Sauvages.'''' Rel., p. 

32, 1656-7. 
Earthquake, great in Canada. Rel., 1662-3, p. 6. In Feb. 5, 1663, 

half past 5 p. m. 
Eteatara-garen-re, Pouchot III, p. 125. 
Eman river. Rel., 1673-4. G. L., p. 183. 
Ehressaronon Nation mentioned. Rel., 1639-40, p. 134. 
Eries, Indians, lived in state of Ohio. N. Am. Rev., p. 71, vol. 39 

or 48. See Charlevoix K F., vol. 2, p. 62. 
Eries, Indians, lived south of Buffalo creek. Brandt's letter to Col. 

Stone. Life of Red Jacket, app. 
Eries, Indians, Aioueniehronon ? Rel., 1641, p. 49-82. 
Eries, Indians, mentioned by Father Le Moyne in 1653. Rel., p. 

74-77. 
Eries, Indians, called Wild Cat nation. Rel., 1653-4, p. 47. Char- 
levoix Y, p. 373. 
Eries, Indians exterminated, by the Iroquois, in 1655. Charlevoix 

Y, p. 373. 
Eries, Indians, Iroquois army of 1800 men levied for their destruc- 
tion. Rel., 1653, p. 89. 
Eries, Indians, their destruction noticed in Am. Ant. Soc. Coll., 

vol. II, p. 73-77. 
Eries, Indians, a Huron name. Hennepin Fr., 118. Wyandot name, 

H. R. S., 164. 
Eries, Indians, exterminated by the Iroquois. La Hontan, vol. 1, 

p. 218. 
Eries, Indians, war against them commenced in 1653 and ended in 

1655. Am. Ant. Soc. Coll., II, 77. 
Eries, Indians, oil spring met with in coming from their country. 

Charlevoix I, 422. Charlevoix Y, 331. 
Eries, Indians, war against, alluded to. Rel., 1653-4, p. 41. 
Eries, Indians, number 2000 warriors. Rel., 1653-4, p. 49. 1656, 

p. 18, Canada ed. 



376 INDEX BER UM. 

Eries, Indians, or Andastes, called alao Kan-neae-to-ka-ro-neah. Mac- 

auley'sN. Y., II, 1V4. 
Eries, Indians, dispersed by the Iroquois about 1666. II Macauley, 

179, 189. 
Eries, Indians, south-west of the Senecas. McAuley's N. Y., vol. 

II, p. 186. 
Eries, Indians, lived on south side of Lake Erie in Ohio, Macauley 

II, p. 189. 
Eries, Indians, were Hurons. Macauley, II, p. 242, vide Charlevoix 

and Clinton and La Hontan. 
Eries, Indian, were an Iroquois tribe. II Am, Ant. Soc. Coll., p. 73. 

(Iroquois generic, II. lb,, p. 74 n.) 
Eries, Indians, entrenchments of 2000 forced by 700 Iroquois. Rel., 

1659-60, p. 32. 1660, p. 7. 
Eries, Indians, Nations beyond the Eries who speak Algonkin. 

Rel, 1656-7, p. 187. 
Eries, spoke the Huron language, Rel., 1648, p. 46. 
Erie, Lake, called by the Iroquois ** Te-jo-cha-ron-tiong.''^ Hennepin, 

p. 26-61. French ed. 
Erie, Lake, called " Teiocharontiong." Paris map of 1688. N. Y. 

Lib. 
Erie, Lake, called " Lac de Conty^'' or " du chat!'' Paris map of 

1688. N. Y. Lib. 
Erie, Lake, called ^'- Kau-ha-gioa-rah-haP Iroquois name for, 

McCauley I, p. 119. Cusick, p. 15 means cap or cat. 
Erie, Lake, called Ga-e-gwa-geh by the Senecas. Old name, see post. 

(Blacksmith). 
Erie, Lake, called Oskwago on old maps. Sclioolcraft's Wigwam, 

p. 302. 
Erie, Lake, called now by Senecas " Do-sc-o-way, Gan-iu-dai.'''* 

Blacksmith. 
Erie, Lake, called by the Senecas 0-we-neh-ge-oh. Sanford. 
Erie, Lake, Ga-i-gwah-geh. N. H. Parker's letter of Feb. 6, '66. 
Erie, Lake, points, rivers and places on in 1768. Paris and London 

Mems., p. 21 and 22. 



INDEX RER TIM. 377 

Erie, Lake, Techaronkion. Col. Doc. N. Y,, IX, 77. 

Erie, Lake, called Oswego. Col. Doc, V, 787 &c., IV, p. 650-908. 

Erie, Lake, description of its embouchure into the Niagara. Margry, 

II, p. 81-93. 
Evil Spirit called " Otkon," by the Iroquois. Hennepin, Eiig. ed., 

p. 136. 
Eighteen mile creek, called Gah-gwah-ge-ge-oh. Blacksinitli. 
Eighteen mile creek (north of Lockport). Tg ot-he-on-a-geh (O. H. 

M. orthog.) " Two parallel creeks." 
Ellicott's Creek, called GaA-dai-yah-deh. " Open sky where the 

path crosses." Blacksmith. 
Ellioott's Creek, Gah-da-ya-deh. " A place of misery^'' from the 

fact that the road used to pass through those openings and was • 

a cold bleak place, and as soon as the person went into the 

woods he was once more comfortable. Wilson. 
Eclipse of the moon, seen in N. France Aug. 27, 1634, 9 p. m, Rel., 

1635, p. 109. 
Eclipse of the moon, seen in N". France, last of Dec, 1637. Rel., 

1637-8, p. 65. 
Eclipse of the moon, Jan. 30, 1646, at 10'' 46' in Huron country. 

Rel., 1645-6, p. 7-2. 
Eclipse of the moon, Oct. 27, 1633, 6 p. m., Quebec. Rel., 1633, 

p. 19. 
Eclipse of the moon, April 4 or 14, 1642. Lasted 8| hours. Rel., 

1642, p. 191. 
Eclipse of the sun, Sept. 1, 1663, V" 24' 42" p. m., Quebec Rel., 

1662-3, p. 5. 
Eriehronon mentioned. Rel., 1639-40, p. 134. (See Relation, 1635, 

p, 164. Ehiierohohons.) 
Ehriehronnons, Erics, arm against the Iroquois. Rel., 1653-4, p, 47. 
Ehriehronnons, incited to war against the Iroquois. Rel., 1653-4, 

p. 47. 
English fleet arrive before Quebec July 19, 1629. Le Clercq, vol. 

I, p. 399. 
English kept possession of Canada, 3 years. Le Clercq I, 418. 
48 



378 INDEX RERUM. 

Etiennontaehronnons, Hurons. Rel., 1670-1, p. 137. 

Erie, Fort, " Gai-gicadh-gehy Dr. Wilson says, from Gah-hi-gwaah- 

geh, the agent's name and residence (British Indian agent). 

Blacksmith gives the meaning " on the hat " and says it is also 

the old name of Lake Erie. See N. Y. Doc. Hist., 1, 526. 
Erie, Fort, erected by Bradstreet in 1764. Col. Doc, VII, 656. 
Erie, Fort, " a new fort" in 1765. Rogers' America, 172. 
Erie, Fort, visited by Alex. Henry, July 14, 1764. Travels, p. 184. 
Erie, Fort, description of in 1795. By Liancourt, vol. II, p. 4. 
Erie, Fort, constructing in August, 1764. Bradstreet, letter of Aug. 

4, 1764. MS. N. Y. S. Library. 
Erie, Fort, Seneca name Gai-gwah-geb. Seneca White. 
Erie, Fort, " Place of Plats." Tradition that a fight between French 

boats and Indian canoes. French hats floated ashore. Indians 

first destroyed the rudder and sunk the vessels. Conjockety, 

'64. 
Erie, Fort, quadrangle of stone now constructing (1806). Heriot's 

Canada, 174. 
Erie, Fort, description of, in 1795. Liancourt, vol. II, p. 4. 
Erie, Fort on lake, called " Kau-quat-kay " of Erie nation (Neuter). 

Cusick, p. 32. 
Erie, Fort, foundation of new fortress laid in 1791, higher up the 

rapids. Indian State Papers, vol. I, p. 160. 
Erie, Fort, latitude 42° 58' n. MS. Journal at Albany commenced 

June 28, 1787. 
Erie, Fort, plan of. Paris and London Mems., p. 33, 2 0, 34. De- 
scription, lb., p. 20-1. 
Erie, Riquehronnons or Nation des Chats. Rel., 1659-60, p. 52. 

1660, p. 7. 
Erie (Penn.) Fort built at, in 1753. Col. Doc, vol. 6, p. 836. 
Erie, Ga-hi-qua-ge. IV Col. Doc, p. 908-909. 
Erie, Canahogue. Dr. Wilson's letter of July 14, 1854 (?) 
Erie, Ga-noh-hoh-geh. Dr. Wilson's letter of July 22, 1854 (?) 
Erie, Techaronkion. 1 Margry, 170-172. 
Erie, Nation des Chats ? " Gen-tai-en-ton." Bourg of. Sacked by 

the Iroquois. Shea's Rel., 1673-9, p. 163. 



INDEX RER UM. 379 

Ellicott, Joseph (Father of Holland Land Go's ageut), his clock. 

Campbell's L. of Clinton, p. 147. 
Ellicott, Joseph, Seneca name, Che-nion'-da-saize, " Musketoe " 

(Musketoo eyed). D. W. Pratt. 
Ecliom, Indian name of Brebeuf. 

Ehoae, a bourg of the nation da Petun. Rel., 1641, p. 42. 
Entouhonorons, Indian name for Lake Ontario. Champlain I, p. 336 
EntoLihonorons, not the Iroquois. Champlain ed., 1632, p. 8. 

Table. Canada ed., II, 909. See lb., p. 563. 
Entonhonorons, Champlain, Canada ed., vol. 1, p. 621, bottom. lb., 

524, 526, 548. " Onorons," note at bottom of p. 909 and p. 621. 
Entouhonorons, lb., 555, 520, 521. 1127 Antouhonorons. 1 Ch., 

p. 563. 
Entouhonorons, Onentouoronons. lb., p. 1127. Friends of the 

Iroquois. 
Eloquent speech of an Iroquois to the forest. Rel., 1656-7, p. 172. 
Ecoui Island, Pouchot's map, near Quinte bay. Ill Pouchot, p. 

107. mde Coui. 
Franciscans called " Ghitagon " or IsTaked feet, by the Iroquois. 

Hennepin, Eng. ed., p. 156, p. 37. 
Franciscans called Hotchitagon or barefoot. Hennepin Eng. ed., p. 

15. French ed., p. 27. 
Franciscan called Ochitagon. Hennepin, French ed., p. 69. Eng. 

ed., p. 15. 
Famine, La, bay, the same as Mexico bay. Charlevoix's distances, 

VoL V, p. 303 n. 
Famine, La, river, same as Salmon river. lb. lb. lb. 
Famine, La, petite Famine river, same as Salmon creek. lb. lb. lb. 
Famine, La, or Cahihonoiiaghe. Carte de Canada, 1688 and 1689, 

1703-1718, 1744-1735. 
Famine, La, river. Its Indian name Keyouanouague. Pouchot, 

III, 123. 
Famine, La, or Cahihonoiiaghe. Coronelli's map, 1688. (O. H. 

M. Atlas, No. 13). See No. 14. 



380 INDEX REBXIM. 

Famine, La, about 25 leagues from Oiioriilaga county, I Doc. 

Hist., p. 77. 
Famine, La, 30 leagues beyond F>jrt Frontenac. lb., p. 79. 
Famine, La, army encamped in places surrounded by swamps. lb., 

p. 80. 
Famine, La, same as Kaionhouague. I Doc. Hist., p. 88. Gain- 

houaque. lb. 
Famine, La, Kayonhaga. La Barre at. lb., p. 162, 
Famine, La, from, to Oneida. Bellestres' expedition, 1757. I Doc. 

Hist., p. 232. 
Famine, La, Kaihohage, Coldea, p, 63, " 30 miles from Onnon- 

dago," 
Famine, La, 25 leagues from Onontague, I Doc. Hist., p. 117. 
Famine, La, 30 leagues from Fort Frontenac. I Doc. Hist., p. 120 

and 267. 
Famine, La, probably named from the "famine" of the Jesuits in 

July, 1656. Rel., 1657, p. 11. 
Famine, La (?) Otiatannehengue, 30 leagues from Onondaga. lb., 

via Oswego. 
Famine, La (?) Otiatanliegue. Le Moines landing in 1661. Rel., 

1661, p. 31. 
Famine, La, Otihatangue. Described. Rel., 1656, p. 9. 
Famine, La, Ociatonnehengue. Rel., 1656, p. 36. 
Famine, La, where the most of the Iroquois land, to go to the 

beaver trade. 0. H. M. map, 18. 
amine. La, " ten leagues below Oswego" (?) Col. Hist. N. Y., 

vol. X, p. 675. 
ii'amine, La, 4 days from R. Famine to Fort Williams (Rome). lb. 
Famine, La, Kay-ouan-oua-ghe, called Famine from La Barre. 

Pouchot 3, 124. 
Famine, La, goes far into the country, near to Oneida portage. 

Pouchot 3, 124. 
Famine, La. (?) Rel, 1654, p. 18. 

Famine, La, Kaionhouaghe. Dou. Hist., vol. 1, p. 138, 
Famine, La, B, B, Burt's references. Col. Doc, vol. IX, 172-174- 

236-242, 391. 



INDEX RER UM. 381 

Famine, La, vol. Ill, p. 431 n. Yol. If, p. 827, Oswego Hist., 

p. 16. 
Famine, La. Brodhead, vol. Ill, p. 402 n. Bell's Canada, I, p. 287. 
Farmei's BrotLer " chief sachem at Buffalo creek,'''' met by Rev. Mr. 

Kirldand there, Oct. 31, 1786 and called " Oglineaiyewas," see 

Turner's Monroe, p. 117. 
Farmers Brother, name in Seneca Ho-na-ye-wus. Dr. Wilson. 
Farmers Brother, name in Seneca compounded of Ho-ye-wus and 

G4-na-ah, meaning " he is seeking but cannot find," 
Farmers Brother, succeeded by Jacob Bennett. Peter Wilson's 

letter, Dec. 1, 1851. 
Farmers Brother, " Aughnanawis." Col. Doc. VI, p. 623. 
Farmers Brother, Ho-na-ya-was. ".He cannot find." W. P. M, 

B. Strong's letter, Feb. 7, '74. 
Farmers Brotlier's Point, small narrow peninsula oi" point of land. 
Farmers Brother's Point, Ni-dy'o-nyah-a-ah. Dr. Wilson. 
Francklin, mentioned. Margry II, p. 427. Died in 1695. Harrisse 

Bib., p, 215. 
Fremin, Jesuit Father, went with the Iroquois. London ed,, vol, 

IV, p. 28, Trans., p. 85. 
Fremin, Jesuit Father, at Tagorondies with Hennepin, (?) 
Fremin, Jesuit Father, missionary among the Senecas, Rel,, 1669- 

70, p, 283. 1668-9, p. 82. 
Frenjin, left Annie Oct. 10 to go to Sonnontoiian. 
French, became savage instead of civilizing the Indians. II Char- 
levoix, 325, 
French called Misthigosches by the Algonldns. Charaplain I, p. 208. 
French, when they first sailed up the St. Lawrence, the Indians said 

they drank blood (wine) and eat wood (sea biscuit). Rel., 

1633, p. 41. 
French, called by the Algonkins Ouemichtigouchiou or the men 

who travel in a wooden canoe. Rel., 1633, p. 42. 
French Creek, Indian name " A-ti-gu6." IX Col. Doc, 1035. 
French, the, Seneca name Doh-dyah-gi-gaah, " The people of Mon- 
treal." Blacksmith and Wilson, 



382 INDEX RER UM. 

Feast des Morts, Rel., 1635, p. 65. Rel., 1642, p. 153. 

Feu, Nation du Feu, mde fire nation. 

Fenelon among the Iroquois. Rel., 1667-8, p. 13 and other parts 

same vol. 
Fenelon in Cannda. Hennepin, French ed., p. 14. 
Ferry, the (on Buffalo creek) TgLih-si-ya-deb. " Rope Ferry " from 

" Ga-deh " being or state of and " Gah-si-yah," thread. 
Fire Nation, Nation du Feu, an Algonkin nation, very populous. 

Rel., 1642-3, p. 115. 
Fire Nation, Nation du Feu, speak Algonkin. Rel., 1640-1, p. 216. 
Fire Nation, Nation du Feu, Atsistaehronons, war with Neuter 

Nation. Rel., 1641, p. 53. 
Fire Nation, Nation du Feu, Atsistaehronons, at war with Hurons. 

Rel., 1639-40, p. 178. 
Fire Nation, vide Atsistaehronons. 

Fire Nation, or Mascontius, an error. Charlevoix II, 251. 
Fire Nation, or Mascontius, noticed. Charlevoix I, Eng., 287. 
Fire Nation, the Neuter Nation assist the Cheveux relevees, against, 

Charaplain I, p. 358. 
Fire Nation, called Ontoagannha. 

Fire Nation, Rel., 1670-1, p. 95, visit to. Rel., 1670-1, p. 162. 
Fire Nation, or Mascoutenech " a land free of trees." Rel , 1670-1, 

p. 168, error, etc. 
Flints, gathered by the Iroquois | of a league from the Saut between 

Lake George and Lake Champlain. See ti-adition related. Rel., 

1667-8, p. 18. 
Fish, Indians spearing, pine knots, etc, Rel, 1656-7, p. 124. 
Five miles meadows mentione.l in Gilbert's Narrative, p. 60 (1780). 
Fish Creek, in Erie county (Mud creek). Seneca White and Strong. 
Fish Creek, Crawfish cie k. First creek east of Cattaraugas. 
Fitzgerald, Lord Henry or Edw ird, arrived at Fort Niagara in 

" Lady Dorchester " with Mrs. Cartwright and Polly Lawrence. 

May 20, 1789. Goring papers. 
Fishery at Amontague. I Duniol, 262. 
Fishery, 8 leagues from Onontague. Doc. Hist., I, p. 140. 



INDEX RER UM. 383 

Fortification, 40 miles south of Oswego, described. N. T. Magazine, 

1792. 
Fortification, Seneca, how made. I Col. Doc, p. 141. 
Folle Avoine, Nation. Rel., 1670-1, p. 155. 
Fort Erie, see Erie. 
Fort La, " Hoh-a-has-qua," killed at Chippewa. Jones, Oneida 

Co., p. 859. 
Frontenac, Fort, called " Cataracoug by the Iroquois ? La Houtan 

Treaties, I, p. 20. 
Frontenac, Fort, thus named by the French. . 
Frontenac, Fort, described. Le Clercq, II, p. 118. 
Frontenac, his expedition against the Onondagas in 1696. I Col. 

Doc, p. 327. 
Ganniegerronnow, name for the Mohawks. Bruyas' Die of Mohawk, 

p. 18. 
Ganniegehaga, name for the Mohawks. Bruyas' Die. of Mohawk, 

p. 18. 
Ganniege, name for the Mohawk country. Bruyas' Die. of Mohawk, 

p. 18. 
Ganaghsaragha, a Tuscarora town. Tryon's map in Pouchot 

(Hough) II, p. 148. 
Gandiaktena, an Erie captive woman at Onneiout. Rel., 1673-9, p. 

163. 
Garacontie, Daniel, saved many lives, etc. Shea's Rel., 1673-9, 

■p. 185. 
Garacontie, " Canard." Crevecoeur's H. de Pa., vol. 1, p. 349. 
Ganaatio, Sodus bay? Jesuits' map. Rel., 1665, p. r.*. 
Galloo Island. M. de Villiers encamped there in 1754. 1 Doc. 

Hist., 285. 
Grant, Francis Col. Knox's Journal, vol. II, p. 404. 
Grant, Vincent, came to Buffalo in 1805. Deposition of Granger. 
Grant, Capt., London and Paris Mems., p. 16. 
Grant, Alex., article on in Hist. Mag., IX, 175. 
Gandaotiagu^, on St. Pierre. Knox's Journal, vol. I, p. 141. 
Ganda^tiagu^, on St. Pierre. Rel., 1672-3 (Shea), p. 39. 



384 INDEX BEE UM. 

Gaiidaoiiagu^, about five leagues from Tiounontoguen. lb. lb. 
Gandaoiiague, two smallest bourgs nearest New Holland. lb. lb. 
Gandaoiiagu6, the first (easternmost ?) bourg going to Aguiez from 

Canada. Rel., 1667-8, p. 29. See II Duniol, p. 104. 
Gandaougue, a Mohawk village in 1656. L. Edifiants trans., p. 82. 
Gandaoiiaguen, a Mohawk village. Rel., 1668-9, p. 19 23, 29. 

1672-3, p. 39. II Duniol, p. 104. 
Gannagaro, Margry II, p. 218. See Canagaro,. p. 55. 
Gannagaro, seven or eight leagues from Lake Ontario. Charlevoix, 

vol. II, p. 354. 
Ganochioragon, Margry II, p. 217. Where lived P. Garnier. Paris 

notes. O. H. M., p. 79. 
Ganentaha, Indian village, on Onondaga lake, on Mitchell's map of 

1777. Paris Mems. A, p. 10. 
Ganaouara, outlet of Oneida lake. Paris notes, p. 29. 
Garagontie. Margry 1, p. 212. 

Garagontie, a savage name meaning " the sun that moves." Hen- 
nepin II, p. 131. 
Garagontie, his death. Lenox Rel., 1673-9, p. 191. Shea's Missions, 

p. 242. 
Ganatcheskiagon, Margry, p. 233-4-5. 
Ganeraski, Margry, p. 233-4-5. 
Ganeions. Margry, p. 233-4-5. 
Ganounkouesnot. Margry, p. 278. Island near Kataroqui, p. 281. 

lb., 284. 
Ganniessinga, Hennepin, N. D., 90. Captive of Senecas. 
Gandastogues, destroyed by the Iroquois in 1679. 1 Margry, 604. 
Gage, Capt. London and Paris Mems., p. 22. 
Garnier, Charles, slain by the Iroquois 1649 or 50? Rel., 1653-4, 

p. 87. Charlevoix. 
Garniei*, Charles, a book owned by him found at Onondaga in 1654. 

Rel., 1653-4, p. 87. 
Garnier, Charles, his Indian name Oracha. Rel., 1642, p. 89. 
Garnier, Charles, his death related. Rel., 1649-50, p. 25. 
Garnier, Charles, his Indian name Or§,cha. Rel., 1649-50, p. 5. 



INDEX BEE UM. 385 

Gamier, Julien, passed 60 years in his mission. Understood the 
Algonkin language and the five dialects of the Iroquois. 
Lafiteau I, p. 2. 

Gamier, Julien, with Hennepin in 1679, Hennepin, p. 42. (81 
French ed.) 

Garnier, Julien, at St. Michael among the Senecas in 1669. Re- 
lation, 1669-70, p. 283. 

Garnier, Julien, was among the Onondagas. Rel., 1668-9, p. 38. 

Garnier, Julien, spent the winter of 1667-8 at Oneiout with Pere 
Bruyas. Rel., 1667-8, p. 82. 

Garnier, Julien, went to Onnontae in 1668. 

Garnier, Julien, his Indian name Ourasera. Rel., 1670-1, p. 77 & 21. 

Garnier, Julien, writes from Tsonnontonan on July 20, 1672. Re- 
lation of that year. 

Garangula, his French name, "La grande gueule." "The big 
mouth." II Charlevoix, 370. 

Garangula, his Indian name " Haaskouan " and was a Seneca. lb 
& 371. '' 

Grandeville, mentioned by Charlevoix, vol. Ill, p. 94. 

Grand Island, Indian name Ga-wa'-note, meaning "island." Black- 
smith. Ga-we-not. A. Wright. 

Grand Island, mentioned by Hennepin. French ed., p. 49. 

Grand Island, ceded by the Senecas to Sir Wm. Johnson. Col. 
Hist., vol. VII, 647-652. 

Garakontie, Onondaga chief. Rel., 1678-9, p. 48. Gara-Konti6. 
lb., p. 68 (1667-8, p. 83). Rel., 1663-4, p. 127. ReL, 1670-1, 
p. 55. 1669, p. 14. 

Garakonti6, nephew of Sagochiendagesit^. Shea. 

Garakontie, his character. Charlevoix, 2, p. 108. An Onondaga, 
lb., p. 107. 

Garakontie, his baptism in 1670. lb., p. 220. See Rel., 1672, p. 3. 
Quebec. 

Gaensera, probably the French for Ko-ho-se-ra-ghe, the Mohawk 
for Ga-6-sa-eh'-gaah. 

Gaensera, see the Abbe Belmont's Histoire du Canada. 
49 



386 INDBX RER UM. 

Ga2:lisiungua, a small Indian village on Seneca lake below Geneva 
" (Cosliong). Hubley's Journal of Sullivan's Ex., p. 97, quoted 
in Miner's Hist, Wyoming. 

Ga-d-sa-eh'-ga-aah, its etymology as foUoAVs: Ga-ceh, resting on ele- 
vation. Oo-sah, basswood (or bark). Ga-aah, used to be. Dr. 
Wilson. See Mem. book. 

Gah-a'-yan-dok, its etymology. Gah-a-yrt]]. A fort. Ga-ya-duk 
vel dok, where it was. (Di. Wilson). 

Galleran, Guillaume, Recollet died in 1636. I Le Clercq. 463. 

Gabriel, his being lost in Illinois. Le Clercq, II, p. 191. Margry, 

I, p. 465-503-O11. 

Gabriel, Father, 64 years old in 1679. Margry, I, p. 455. Margry, 

II, p. 503. 

Garreau, Pere Leonard, killed by the Iroquois. Rel., 1664-5, p. 40. 
Garistatsia, Iroquois chief or " Le fer." Rel., 1662-3, p. 74. 
Gah-sa-gas-deh, a distinguished chief, grandfather of Blacksmith 

who lived at Canandaigua at an early day. Wolf clan. "A 

mouth capable of enduring great heat." 
Gau-da-nye-nahs, "A prairie falling " (Snipe clan), eloquent chief 

lived at Canandaigua at early day. 
Gah-n«s'squah, " stone giant," tlie Indian name of the British officer 

(Stedman?) who escaped tlie massa(M-e at Devil's hole. J. B. 
Gah-si-gwa'-oh, an ancient town on the east side of the Genesee, 

near big tree, means " spears lying horizontally high upP An 

ancient deposit for spears. Dr. Wilson's letter of Nov. 29, 

1869. , ^ 

Gandougarae. Relation, Abrege, p. 313, 
Gannorou, in Hennepin, p. 113-121. See Bruyas' Dictionary of 

Mohawk, p. 83. 
Grand Gueule, " otherwise called Oatre-ouhati." Belmont's Canada, 

p. 28. 
Grand Gueule la, or Attr^-ouati (Hotreouati). Hennepin II, p. 97, 

an Onondaga ? 
Grand river, visit to the Indians on. Campbell's travels, 1791-2, 
. p. 211. 



INDEX BETL UM. . 387 

Grand river, of Canada, called "Turcot." Map in vol. TIT, p, 196, 

Faillon. MS. map, 1GS8. Paris, O. H. M. 
Grand river, Tina-toua. Map in vol. Ill, p. 30.^. Faillon, called 

River Ouse. Paris note book, p. 76. 
Grand river, of Canada, called " Blanche i'" Gravier's La Salle. 

Sup., p. 19. 
Galinee, Rene de Brehant, arrived in Quebec July 29, 1667. Shea 

in Charlevoix, III, 23, n. 
Gangastogue, Rel, 1670, p. 68, 74-5. (x\udastogue ?) Galinee MS.., 

p. 36. 
Gladwyn, schooner. Mentioned in Carver's travels, p. 164. 
Geneva, called by the Iroquois " Kanadaseago^ O'Reilly's Ro- 
chester, p. 395. 
Geneva, " Canadasega." Cartwright at, Aug. 2d & 6, 1779, & Aug 

17, 1779. 
Geneva, lake. West end of Lake Ontario so called. Bay. Camp- 
bell's Travels, 179-80. 
Geneva, lake. West end of Lake Ontario called " Onilqueton.'''' 

lb. lb. 
Green bay, a corruption of " La grande bale " ? N. Y. Hist. Soc. 

Bulletin, 1847, p. 151. 
George, lake, its Indian name Andiatarocte " ou le lac se ferme.'''' 
George, named by Father Jogues le lac du S. Sacrement. Rel., 

1646, p. 51. 
Genesee, " Sonnechio." Pouchot, vol. II, p. 37 & map ("Son-ne- 

chi'-o ? ") 
Genesee river, called " Casconchiagon " on Bellin's map, 1755. 

N. Y. S. Lib., vol. 1, No. 18, inconnu aux geographes rempli 

de saults et cascades. 
Genesee river called " Senecas river ^'' next west of " New or Conde 

river." Mitchell's map Amsterdam, vol. I, N. Y. S. Library, 

No. 41. 
Genesee river, called X^Yi^fe Seneca river. Gov. Pownal'smap, 1777. 

N. Y. S. Library. 
Genesee river, called " Kashuxse " or Little Seneca. 



388 INDEX RER TIM. 

Genesee, Seneca name Je-nis'-hi-yuh. N, H. Parker & A. Wright. 
Genesee river, " negatecu fontaine " (on Ms. map, Paris Rue de 

I'Universite) at source of. 
Gentaienton, hourg de la nation des Chats saccage pas les Iroquois. 

Shea's Rel., 1673-9, p. 163. Dounial, I. p. 284. 
Gilbert family, taken prisoners at Penn Township, Pa. April 25, 

ivso. 

Girty, Simon, mentioned in Savary's Journal, p. 343. 
Gill creek, called Cayuga creek in Savary's Journal, p. 360-1. 
Gill creek, called Stedman's creek in treaty at Canandaigua, 1794. 
Gill's creek, so called in John Stedman's petition to N. Y. Leg. 
Gilbert, Benj., taken prisoner at Mahoning, May, 1780. Miner's 

Wyoming. 
Grey, Fort, built in the summer of 1812. Barton's lecture. 
Grey, Fort, why so named. Barton's lecture. 
Great Valley creek (Paris and London note book). Mrs. Wright's 

letter of Dec. 19, 1879. 
Griffin, its loss mentioned. Le Clercq, II, p. 201. 
Griffin, built in 1679, 45 tons burden. Margry, I, p. 444. 
Griffin, 40 tons burden. Margry, I, p. 578. 
Griffin, finished in " May, 1679." 2 Margry, p. 76. 
Griffin, sailed Aug. 7, 1679. 2 Margry, p. 76, Wrecked about 

20 Sept. lb., 80. 
Griffin, relics of. HatcliAvay, cabin door & flag staff truck. 2 

Margry, 76-74. 
Griffin, storm two days after she sailed from G, bay, lasting 5. 

days. 2 Margry, 76-73. 
Griffin, relics of G. Hatchway (cover) a bit of rope & packages of 

spoiled beaver. lb., 74. 
Griffin, Horace. His Indian name Wa-dye-sah. " Cheap." Dr. 

Wilson's letter of Aug. 15, '63. 
Griffin, " Chautiers " of La Salle on Franqiielin's Ms. map of 1699. 

Rue de I'universite. Paris. 
Goienho, Oneida lake. Rel., 1656, p. 12-36. . Post, p. 59. Le 

Moyne. 



INDEX RER UM. 389 

Grosse Ecorce, don't go far inland. 3 Pouchot, 123. 

God, called " Manitou,^''- by the Algonquins. Lafiteau, I, p. 115. 

God, called " OkhiP by the Hurons. Lafiteau I, p. 116. 

God, called Areskoui, by the Hurons. Lafiteau, I, p. 116. • 

God, called Agreskoue by the Hurons. Lafiteau, I, p. 116. 

Goupil, Rene, how killed. Rel., 1642-3, p. 242. 1647, p. 85. 

Goupil, R,en6, was a good surgeon. Rel., 1642-3, p. 274, 

Goupil, Rene, his remains hid by Jogues in a hollow tree. Rel., 1 647, 

p. 85. 
Gondole, petite, canoe so called. Rel., 1650-1, p. 65. 1656-7, p. 

68-83. 
Gondole, K Y. Col. Doc, vol. HI, 190. 
Goring, Francis, dissolved with Street in 1781. E. Pollard's letter, 

Oct. 6, 1781. 
Goring, Francis, Avrites S. Street : " Stedman promised Col. John- 
son all the boards he could cut." 
Goring, Goring, Street & Bennett. Copartners March 7, 1781. 

~ Merritt's MS. 
Goring, Goring, Street & Bennett, 3 years copartnership from July 

10, 1780. Merritt's MS. 
Gordon, Duchess of. At treaty of 1766. Sir Wm. Johnson's. Cre- 

vecour I, 349. 
Goelans Island. 2 Margry, 105. Goilans. Hennej)in, French ed., 

p. 106. 
Goienho, Oneida Lake. Rel., 1656, p. 12, 36. 
Grosse Ecorce, does not go far inland. 3 Pouchot, p. 123. 
Harpe, Bernard de la. An account of his manuscript history of 

discoveries, etc., on the Mississippi. Long's H Ex., vol. 1, p. 

318. Paris notes, p. 40. 
Harrison, Jonas, came from Lewiston to Buffalo in 1808. Deposition 

for Granger. 
Hanyost, Thaosagwat, killed in Sullivan's cjxpedition. Indian State 

Papers, 1, 123. 
Handsome Lake, Ga-nu-di-uh-ga-oh, Nun-do-wa-ga-ok, Ho-do-gas- 

do-ne-ok. 



390 INDEX RER UM. 

Handsome Lake, meaning of above, Handsome Lake, the Seneca 
Indian prophet. K T. Strong's letter, June 15, '66. 

Handsome Lake, Clark, 106. 

Haga, a national termination. Bruyas' Die, p. 18. 

Ha-dya-no-doh, Maris B. Pierce, " swift runner." Letter of M. B. 
P., Feb. 7, 18H. 

Haute futaye, Le Clercq, II, p. 147. Margry 2, p. 52. 3 lb., 402. 
1 lb., 465-478. Hennepius La, p. 132. 

Haute futaye. I Ferland, p. 160. 

Hennepin, his first journal authentic. N. Am. R., vol. 39, p. 78. 

Hennepin, visited the Ii*oquois and transcribed a dictionary. French 
ed., vol. 1, p. 28. 

Hennepin, visited the Iroquois near Fort Frontenac. lb., p. 35. 

Hennepin, condemned by Charlevoix, vol. 6, p. 404. 

Hennepin, his labors among the Iroquois and knowledge of their 
language. 2 Le Clercq, p. 114. 

Hennepin, published a part of his voyage in 1684. French ed. 
Hennepin preface. 

Hennepin, sent to Canada as missionary in 1676. lb. lb. 

Hennepin, says he discovered the Mississippi in 1680, two years be- 
fore La Salle. lb. 

Hennepin, Margry, II, p. 259. 

Hennepin, ascent of the Mississippi described by La Salle. Margry, 
II, p. 245. 

Hennepin, editions of. 2 Hist. Mag., p. 24. 1 lb., p. 346. Sabin's 
Bib. Am. 

Hennepin, editions of. Paris notes, p. 80. 

Hendrick, Fort. Paris and London note book, p, 9. 

Herkimer, Fort. Paris and London note book, p. 14. 

Hiroquet, nation of, mentioned. Rel., 1643-4, p. 14, vide Iroquet. 

Hiroquet, or Iroquet, mentioned (Onontchoronons). I Charlevoix 
Eng., 174-354. 

Hiroquet, or Iroquet, mentioned (Onnontcharonnons). V Charle- 
voix, 162. 

Hillyard, Lieut., at Fort Niagara in 1780. Gilbert's narrative, p. 26. 



INDEX RERUM. 391 

Hiawatha, its meaning and traditionary origin. Dr. Wilson's letter 

of January 2, 1865. 
Hiawatha, Seneca orthography, Ha-yc^-waut-hah. Dr. Wilson 
Hiawatha, Onondaga orthography, Ha-yo-whaiit-hah. Dr. Wilson, 
Hiawatha, etymology of, Hah-saut-hah, he puts down. Ga-yo- 

waah Point. 
Hiawatha, Hi-ung-wautha. IsT. Y. Hist. Mag., vol. X, p. 125. 
Hill, David, a Mohawk. Karong-yote, Sept. 7, 1784. K Y. Hist. 

Soc. Ms. Indian Treaties, vol. 1, p. 51. 
Hill, David, a Mohawk. Miss Powell's letter about Niagara. 
Hill, David, a Mohawk, Karonghyontye. Moore's Fitzgerald, I, 

113. 
Hontan, La, his book condemned by Lafiteau passim, vide vol. IV, 

p. 190. Vol. I, p. 116. 
Hontan, La, his Huron dictionary condemned. lb., vol. IV, p. 190. 
Hontan, La, his Huron dictionary approved by Albert Gallatin, vol. 

II, p. 26. Am. Ant. Coll. 
Hontan, La, his identity with the monk Gendreville ? VI Charle- 
voix, 409. 
Hontan, La, condemned. I Charlevoix, Eng. ed., p. 108-221-354. 
Hontan, La, mentioned as a Capitaine Reforme. Ill Charlevoix, 172. 
Honeoye, Indian name Hah'-nj^a-yah', " where the finger was left." 

A. Wright. 
Honeoye, called Anyayea by Hubley in his journal of Sullivan's 

expedition. Miner's Wyoming App., 98. 
Honeoye, Anyayea is \ mile from lake (foot) 12 houses hewn logs. 

lb. lb. lb. 
Hotreouati, Attreouati ? Hennepin, II, p. 99-131 La Grande Guele. 
Hotrehouati, De La Barre in 1 Doc. Hist., p. 76. 
Horses, imported by the French into Canada, July 16, 1665. Rel., 

1664-5, p. 118. 
Horse Shoe Pond, see " pond." 
Holmes, Rev. Elkanah, Baptist missionary among the Indians. 

Stone's Brandt, vol. II, p. 439. 
Hot Bread, Indian name Oaghgwadahihea. Indian Treaties, 343 

(N. Y.). 



392 INDEX RER UM. 

Hochelaga, " Ch " has the sound of " Sh " in French. Lippincott's 

Gazeteer. 
Hoff, name of a tavern keeper east of Fort Niagara. Campbell's 

Travels, p. 217. 
Hoteouati, Onondaga orator. 1 Doc. Hist., p. 77. 
Hochitagon, naked feet. Name of Hennepin, 1, 27. 
Hontonagaha, Hennepin La, p. 39. lb., Nouvelle Decouverte, 

p. 90. 
Huron Lake, called Karegnondi, map of 1656. N. Am. R., vol. 39, 

p. 71. Hennepin, p. 27. 
Huron Lake, called Karegnondi, or the deep lake by Coxe's La., 

p. 44, 
Huron Lake, formerly called " Sounondate^^ from a great nation 

living on its eastern side. See Coxe's Louisiana. 
Huron, Lake, called " Lac des ITurons,^^ " Karegnondi^'' " Algon- 

hins.'''' Michigange on " Lac des Orleans.'''' Paris, map of 

1688. 
Huron, Lake, called Attigouantan, Champlain I, p. 324-325. 

Size, etc. 
Huron mission, commenced in October, 1639. Relation, 1639-40. 

Part 2, p. 2. 
Huron mission, its situation described. Le Clercq, I, p. 249. 
Huron mission and villages mentioned. Rel., 1642, p. 26. 
Huron, a name given by the French. 1 Lafiteau, p. 64. 1 Charle- 
voix, 285. 
Hurons destroyed by the Iroquois in 1649. Am. Ant. Coll., II, 

p. 76. 
Hurons, their language like the Iroquois. 1 Charlevoix, p. 285. 

lb. (Eng.), 44. Rel., 1669, p. 13. Rel, 1640-1, p. 150. 
Hurons, conquered by the Iroquois in 1666 (?) Macauley II, p. 179. 
Hurons, so named from their bristly hair. Coxe's Louisiana, p. 44. 

Hennepin, II, p. 138. 
Hurons, their number, etc. Rel., 1635. p. 164. 1639-40, p. 38. 
Hurons, reduced in 1722 to a small band at Lorette, the Tionnon- 

tatez at Detroit and to a band who fled to Carolina. La Fiteau, 

vol. 4, p. 185. 



INDEX RER UM. 393 

Hurons, composed of 4 nations "properly speaking (Ataronchronons. 

St. Marie, Attingucenongnaliac, St Joseph, Attignaouentan 

(ours). Conception, Arendaronons, St. Jean Baptiste. Rel., 

1639-40, p. 145. Vide Rel., 1642, p. 20. Rel., 1639-40, p. 36 

& table of contents. 
Hurons, their destruction by the Iroquois and dispersion. Rel., 

165.3-4, p. 104. 1648-9, p. 86. 
Hurons, a tribe supposed to be this people in Virginia called by the 

Iroquois Atati-onoue. La Fiteau, IV, p. 185. 
Hurons, captives among the Senccas. Rel., 1668-9, p. 83. (Rel., 

1664-5, p. 23.) 

Hurons, sought refuge in the Isle of Orleans near Quebec. Rel., 

1653-4, p. 104. 
Hurons at Chagoumegon on Lake Superior. Charlevoix, vol. II 

p. 115. 
Hurons and Algonkins comjDosed two-thirds of a Mohawk bourg. 

Gandaougae Rel., 1667-8, p. 23. 
Hurons among the Mohawks. Rel., 1667-8, p. 50. 
Hurons, some live or six Frenchmen found among them in 1623 by 

Sagard. I Le Clercq, 248. 
Hurons, topographic li description of mission among the. I Le 

Clercq, 249. 
Hurons called Ochateguins by the Algonkins. Champ., I, p. 217, 
Hurons, their mode of sepulture. I, p. 260, Champlain. 
Hurons, chowder ! among them. Champlain, I, p. 261. 
Hurons, their entire destruction alluded to by a chief. Rel., 1664-5 

p. 17. *' 
Hurons, called in Seneca Aragaritha. Col. Doc, vol. 4, p. 909. 
Hurons called in Mohawk Hah-o-endagenha. Bruyas' Die, p. 55. 
Hurons, is the nation Porc-Epi, its tribes. V, Charlevoix, p, 393. 
Hurons, their totem a beaver. 3 Charlevoix, 372. 
Hurons, called Yendat. 1 Charlevoix, 285. 
Hurons, called Ochateguins by Champlain, Charlevoix I, 285. 
Hurons, dispersion and adoption by the Iroquois. Rel., 1659-60 

p. 69. 
60 



394 INDEX EER UM. 

Hurons, de la nation de la corde. Rel, 1656-7, p. 71. " Be Vours " 

do " Du rocher " do. 
Hurons, dispersion by the L-oquois. Rel., 1649-50, p. 5. 
Huron language, has no b-f-l-m-p-j-v-x. Am. Ant. Coll., vol. II, 

p. 286. 
Huron language, has a letter expressed by khi-aj ? lb. 
tluron language understood by the Iroqums when well spoken. 

Rel., 1668-9, p. 65. 
Huron language resembles the Onondaga more than the other 

Iroquois dialects. La Fiteau, IV, p. 186. 
Huron language, people speaking surrounded by Algonquins. Rel., 

1642-3, p. 128. 
Huron language, the mother of the Iroquois. Vie de Chaumonot, 

47. Carayon. 
Huron language, understood by the Iroquois. Rel., 1669, j). 13. 
Huron church in the Island of Orleans captured by the Iroquois and 

adopted. 1 Le Clercq, p. 54. Rel., 1659-60, p. 70. 
Huron church at Cayugas, remains of, 1661-2, p. 55. MS., p. 51. 
Huron country, described. Champlain, I, p. 373. Rel., 135, p. 163. 
Huattoehronon. Relation, 1639-40, p. 134. (Ottawa?) 
Hunter, Col., commandant at Fort Niagara. Voyage dans Penn., 

Ill, p. 80. 
Hungary Bay, Bouchettes Canada, p. 619. 1 Doc. Hist., p. 63. 

Shea's Missions, 313. 
Hungary Bay, Liancourt's map, vol. 1. N. Y. Doc. Hist-, 3, p. 791. 
Hyde, Jabez Backus lived Aug. 20, 1817, on Buffalo creek, 4 miles 

from mouth. Alden's Missions, p. 32. 
Hyde, Jabez Backus had care of Indian school there. lb. 
Hyde, Jabez, Indians attached to him. lb., p. 38. 
Icauderago, a town at the mouth of Schoharie creek. II Macauley 

p. 189. 
Icanderago, called Fort Hunter, taken by the French in 1665. lb., 

p. 226. 
Incarnation, Marie d'L'. Embarked for Canada, May 14, 1639. Le 

Clercq, II, 35. 



INDEX BER UM. 395 

Incarnation, Marie d'L', her real name Guiart. Le Clercq, II, 32. 
Ignace, St., mission at Mackinaw. Rel., 1670-1, p, 137. 
Ignace, St., mission of, at Mackinaw. Rel., 1670-1, p. 92. 
" Infant," died at Black Joe's, Dec. 9, 1805, buried at Buifalo. Gran- 
ger to Parish. 
"Infant," his Indian name Ha-no-gaih-khoh. Mrs. Wright's letter, 

Oct. 10, 1875. 
"Infant," mentioned by Maude, p. 97. 6 feet and 1 in. high. 
'•Infant," Onagicco. Hough's Indian Treaties, p. 122. See p. 

191. lb. 
" Infant," buried in Buffalo village burying ground. Letchworth's 

Pratt, p. 46 n. 
"Infant," mentioned in Kirkland's Journal of 1788. Ketchum, vol. 

II, p. 100. 
"Infant," Tom the Infant, Onnonggaiheko. Drake, V, p. 103. 
Indian Names, see Lanraan's history Michigan. 
Indian Names, on coast of New England. Rev. Edward Ballard in 

F. S. Coast Survey, vol. for 1868, p. 244. 
Indian Name, for water " Oochnekanus^'' Mohawk. Am. Ant. Coll., 

vol. II. 
Indian Name, for water " Ochnecanos'''' and " Ochneea,''^ Onondaga. 

Am. Ant. Coll., vol. II. 
Indian Name, for water " Onekandus^'' Seneca. Am. Ant. Coll., 

vol. II. 
Indian Name, for water " Oghnacauno^'' Oneida. Am. Ant. Coll., 

vol. II. 
Indian Name, for water " Onikanos,^'' Cayuga.. Am, Ant. Coll., 

vol. II. 
Indian Nomenclature, American review. No. 35, Nov., 1847. 
Indian Tribes, enumeration of. Charlevoix Journal Y, 274. 
Indian pronunciations, a vowel before a consonant is short, after one 
long, between two consonants short, by itself long or full. 
Schoolcraft's Wigwam, p. 145. 
Indian games, La Crosse, description of, " Siege of Detroit," p. 29. 
Indian titles, Morse Indian Report, p. 279 to 284. 



396 INDEX RERUM. 

Indians, N. A. Review, vol. 47, p. 184 (27 p. 89) + (64-292) + 
(26-357), 44, p. 30], 

Indians, reluctant to tell their names. Rel., 1633, p. 14. 

Indians, disbt;lief in a God but not in a devil. Champlain, p. 574. 

Indians, origin and migrations. Crevecoeur, vol. 1, jd. 26. 

Illinois, signifies " men." La Fiteau, I, 43. 

Illinois Indians driven to the Mississippi by the Outagamis. Char- 
levoix ly, p. 234. 

Illinois river. Names of its confluents. Margry II, p. 177. 

Illinois People. Rel., 1670-1, p. 175. 

Ilinouek and Outagamis. Rel., 1666-7, p. 57-105. 

Iroquois, their original name. Relation, 1653, p. 54. 

Iroquois, see Relation, 1639-40, p. 130. " Roquai ? " 

Iroquois, spelled Hiroquois. Rel., 1639-40, p. 194. 

Ii'oquois, panegyric on their wai'like habits, Charlevoix V, 298. 

Iroquois, etymology of the name " Hiro Koue." lb., I, 421. 

Iroquois confederacy styled Agonnousioni " cabin builders." lb., 

I, 421. I La Fiteau, p. 94, III, p. 9. 

Iroquois, confederacy styled " Hotinuonchiendi," " perfect house." 
Rel., 1653-4, p. 54 {vide La Fiteau, I, 94. Ill, 9). 

Iroquois, a name given by the French. La Fiteau, vol. I, p. 64. 

Iroquois tribes, the number of their warriors. La Fiteau. 

Iroquois, " have within 50 years destroyed other nations." Hen- 
nepin, p. 102. 

Iroquois, reject the letter L, except the Oneidas. Ill Bancroft, 255. 

Iroquois, never use the letter M nor any of the labials. lb. lb. 

Iroquois, extei'minate the Andastes and Chaouanous in 1672. 2 
Char., 244. 

Iroquois, composed of six nations. Relation, 1640-1, p. 136. 

Iroquois, speak the Huron tongue. Rel., 1653-4, p. 64. Macauley, 

II, p. 242. 

Iroquois, enumerated in full. Macauley's N. Y., p. 174, 185. 
Iroquois confederacy styled " A-go-ne-a-se-ah.'''' Macauley's N. Y., 

p. 177. 
Iroquois, a branch of the Hurons. Macauley, vol. II, p. 242. 
Iroquois, written " IrocoiSy'' by Coxe in his Louisiana, p. 44. 



INDEX RER UM. 39 7 

Iroquois, written " Irocois,'''' by Coxe in his Louisiana, p. 44. 

Iroquois, written yrocois and irocois by Champlain, ed. 1613. N. Y. 

Lib, Hist. Soc. 
Iroquois, their ferocity. Rel., 1664-5, p. 16. 

Iroquois, claim over their territory released by the French. Char- 
levoix, IV, p. 107. 
Iroquois, numbered in 1788, 4,350 including Tuscaroras. Kirkland, 

p. 288. 
Iroquois, their war with the Seven nations des Loups mentioned. 

Rel., 1667-8, p. 4. 1668-9. p. 8. 
Iroquois, first missions established among them in 1657 as follows. 
Le Clercq, I, 527. 1. Saint Gabriel, aux Agniers, 3 or 4 bour- 
gades. 3 or 400 men. 2. Onnejout. 140 hommes de guerre. 
3. Saint Jean Baptiste aux bourgades d'Onnontaguets (centre), 
300 combatants 15 leagues west of Onnejout. 4. Saint Joseph 
aux Ojongouen, 3 bourgades, 300 hommes de guerre. 5. Saint 
Michel aux Sonnontotians, 3 boui-gades, 1,200 combatants. 
Iroquois, superior to other nations. I Le Clercq, 287. 
Iroquois, peace between them and the Algonkins broken in 1627. 

Le Clercq, vol. 1, p. 380. 
Iroquois, missions re-established in 1668 by cessation of war. Le 

Clercq, II, p. 81. 
Iroquois, wars with the Illinois. Le Clercq, II, p. 182, 
Iroquois, ancient enemies of the Hurons in 1615, Champlain, I, 

p, 319. 
Iroquois, a palisade destroyed by them seen by Brebeuf. Rel., 

1635, p. 72. 
Iroquois, live in a circle surrounded by Algonkins, Rel., 1642-3, 

p. 128. 
Iroquois, their totems mentioned. 3 Charlevoix, 372. 
Iroquois warriors, enumeration of them. Rel., 1659-60, p. 30. 

. MS., 52. 
Iroquois, not over 1200 pure Iroquois, rest conquered people. lb. 
Iroquois, caused the Montagnaits to tremble with fear. Rel, 1633, 
p. 28. 



398 INDEX RERTTM. 

Iroquois, skins of hand, ai'm and fingers with nails on, made into 

tobacco pouches by savages near Quebec. Rel., 1633, p. 53. 
Iroquois, called Maquois by the Dutch. Rel., 1647, p. 114. 
Iroquois, employed all their strength against Neuter nation. Rel., 

1650-1, p. 15. 
Iroquois, defeat the Hurons and Nation du Petun in Lake Huron. 

Rel, 1650-1, p. 19. 
Iroquois, entrapped by Hurous on Isle of St. Marie. Rel., 1650-1, 

p. 19. 
Iroquois, massacre Algonkins in Lake Nippissineus. lb., p. 28. 
Iroquois, penetrate with canoes to Lake Kisakanu. lb., p. 127. 
Iroquois, destroyed the Mackinaws, vide Rel., 1670-1, p. 137. 
Iroquois, name mentioaed by Lescarbot, p. 250 (in 1609). 
Iroquois, first mentioned in Relations as " Hiroquois," 1632, p. 5 

French ed. 
Iroquois, termination " ois " formerly pronounced " ques." Perrot 

Mem., 166, n. 1. 
Iroquois, see Champlain where "Iroquois" and " Iroquet " are 

both used ? 
Iroquois, had no forts in 1684. 1 Doc. Hist., p. 85. 
Iroquois, were they from Montreal ? Faillon, p. 527. 
Iroquois, migrations of. lb. 

Iroquois, five principal villages. Faillon, p. 307. 
Iroquois, its pronunciation. Lescarbot, 250 (1609 ed.). 
Iroquois, conquests noticed. 1 Margry, p. 504. 
Iroquois described. 1 Margry, p. 178. 
Iroquois, history of. Rel., 1660, p. 7. Quebec ed. 
Irondequoit, Andiatarontaoat. Jesuits' Map of 1664. 
Irondequoit, Ganientaragouet. Belmont's Histoire du Canada, p. 20. 
Irondequoit, Ateniatarontague. Belmont's Histoire du Canada, 

p. 21. 
Irondequoit, Ganniagatarontagouat. De Nouville, p. 334. 
Irondequoit, Ganniatarontagouat. De Nonville, p. 347. 
Irondequoit, Irondegatt. London Documents, vol. 5, p. 155, 1687. 

Examination of a Mohawk concerning the expedition of De 

Nonville. 



INDEX BMR UM: 399 

Irondequoit, Orondokott. London Documents, vol. 5, p. 153, 

1687. lb. 
Irondequoit, Jerondokott. London Documents, vol. 5, p. 159, 

1687. lb. 
L'ondequoit, Jerondekatt. London Documents, vol. 5, p. 162, 

1687. lb. 
Irondequoit, Ganientaraguat. Paris Map of 1753. 
L-ondequoit, called by Charlevoix, " Riviere des Sables." Fort des 

Sables, vol. II, p. 352. 
Irondequoit, Morgan says the Senecas call it " Da-as-ne-as-ga " 

meaning " the silent place.'''' Rochester American, Oct. 30, 1847. 
Irondequoit, Teoronto, pronounced Tche-o-ron-tok. Spafford's 

Gazeteer. 
Irondequoit, T.vondequat. Colden's Five Nations. 
Irondequoit, Tyrondequoit. Smith's Hist. N. Y. 
Irondequoit, Gerundegut. Winterbotham's Atlas, 1796. 
Iroudequoit, Irondiqnet. Heriot's Canada, 1807. 
Irondequoit, O-nyiu-da-on'-da-gwat'. A.. Wright (Blacksmith). 
Irondequoit, Eutauntuquet (creek). A. Porter's map of Phelps & 

Gorham's purchase, 1794. 
Irondequoit, Eutaontuquet bay. A. Porter's map of Phelps & 

Gorham's purchase, 1794, 
Irondequoit, Tirandaquet. Doc. Plist. N. Y., vol. 1, p. 443. 
Irondequoit, a levee of sand one-half a league long between lake 

and marsh. Belivue, p. 93. 
Irondequit Bay, called " Ganientaraquat.'''' Paris map of 1753. 
Irondequoit Bay, " Erondicott." Paris and London Mems., p. 29. 
Irondequoit, settlement at. Colonial Documents, vol. V, p. 632-641. 
Irondequoit, Oniadarondaquat. Col. Doc, 4, p. 908. 
Iroquet, nation of, mentioned. Rel., 1643-4, p. 123, vide Hiroquet. 
Ihoriatiria, Rel., 1639-40, p. 107. 1635, p. 204. 
Iowa, spelled " Ayavois^^ by La Harpe. Long's Second Expedition, 

I, p. 320. 
Iowa, its name probably derived from a tribe of Indians living on 

the north bank of the Missouri called " Aiotcez.''^ Charlevoix 

Journal 2, p. 224 and V, p. 433. 



400 INDEX RER TIM. 

Jack Berrytown, Indian name " Diu-neh'-da-eli," referring to the 

high land and hemlock woods there. 
Jack Berrytown, a half breed. Granger's letter to Sec. of war. 
Jack Berry, mentioned in Jan., 1778. Merritt's MS. (at Ft. Niag.) 
Jacquette, Peter, Oneida died in Phila,, March 19, 1792, Drake, 

V, 107. 
James, St., at Tsonnontonan. Rel., 1672-3, p. 110 (Shea). 
James, St., twice as large as St. IvJicheh lb. lb. 
James, St., bourg of, in Seneca land. Rel., 1670-1, p. 71. 
Jesuit missionaries, the last in America, died at Prairie du Rocher 

in 1778, left a valuable library, etc. Morse's Report App., 

p. 144. 
Jesuit missions enumerated by Le Clercq, vol. 1, p. 524. 
Jesuits, their labors and toils. (Rel., 1640, p. 34.) (Rel., 1639-40, 

p. 174.) (1635, p. 123-4-6.) 
Jesuits, C. Lallemand, Masse, Brebeuf, l^uret and Charton arrived 

in Canada in 1625. Charlevoix, I, p. 247. 
Jesuits, kindly received by the Recollets. I Le Clercq, 310. 
Jesuits, desired the return of the Recollets in Canada. 1 Le Clercq, 

p. 457. 
Jesiiits, first missionaries to Port Royal in 1611. Charlevoix I, p. 

189. Champlain, I, p. 133. 
Jesuits, founder of. N. A. Review, vol. 59, p. 412. 
Jesuits, missions among„ Democratic Review, vol. 14, p. 518. 
Jesuits, embark for the Huron country, I Charlevoix, 290. 
Jesuits, their number in the Huron country in 1636 (6). 1 Char- 
levoix, 311. 
Jesuits, embark with the English fleet, July 21, 1629, for England. 

1 Le Clercq, 409. 
Jesuits, their occupation in the Huron mission. 1 Charlevoix, 336. 
Jeune, Le, a Huron dictionary wrongfully attributed to him. 1 Le 

Clercq, 326. 
Jean, Saint, bourg of, among Senecas. Rel., 1650-1, p. 17. 
Jemison, John, died Nov. 27th, 1859. N. Y. Hist. Mag., 1860, p. 60. 
Jemison, Mary, white woman, died Sept. 19, 1833, aged about 91. 



INDEX RERUM. 401 

JemisoD, Mary, her Indian name De-gi'-wa-nahs. Mrs. Wright's 

letter, Oct, 10, '75. 
Jemisoii, Mary, her Indian name Deh-ge-wa-nis. Two wailing voices. 

Wm. C. Bryant in Buffalo Courier, Sept. 19, "73. 
Jemison, Israel, died Nov. 24, 1870 aged between 80 and 90. K S. 

Strong's letter, Nov. 28, '70. 
Jolliett, inscription on his large map to Fronteuac. Paris and 

London Mems., p. 46. 
Jolliett, Mt., "Monjolly." Letter of St. Cosine. Eel., p. 23. (Gros 

Library.) 
Jolliet, succeeded Franquelin as Hydrographer to the King in 1695. 

Harrison's Bibliograph, 215. 
Jolliet, at Sault St. Marie, June 14, 1671. I Margry, p. 98. 
Jolliet, went to France with a chart. I Margry, p. 398. 
Jolliet, Mt. Jolly. Hist. Coll., vol. 5, p. 103, 1st series. 
Jolliet, Mt. Jolly, visit to, by M. J. P. Buisson, St. Cosine. Rel., 

14-15. G. Library. 
Joliet, he forestalled La Salle. 2 Margry, p. 284. 
Joliet, his chart. 1 Margry, p. 268. 

Joliet, Louis, went from Tadousdac to Hudson's bay in 1678. Char- 
levoix, vol. y, p. XV, n. 
Joliet, a work published in his name condemned. II Le Clercq, 

p. 364. 
Jogues, Jesuit Father, his martyrdom by the Onondagas mentioned. 

Rel., London ed., IV, p. 28. 
Jogues, burnt by the MohawJcs. Relation, 1652-3, p. 103 (p. 23. 

Rel., 1667-8). 
Jogues, his martyrdom among the Mohaioks mentioned. Rel., 

1668-9, 29. 
Jogues, called Ondesouh by the Hurons. Rel., 1642-3, p. 14. 
Jogues, suffered at Gandaoiiague (a Mohawk village). Rel., 1667-8, 

p. 23. 
Jogues, captured by the Iroquois. Rel., 1642-3, p. 13. 1642, 

p.' 172. 
Jogues, embarked for the Mohawks, May 16, 1646. Rel., 1646, p. 

51. 

61 



402 INDEX rerum: 

Jogues, embarked for the Mohawks, Sept. 24, 1646. Rel., 1646, p. 

59. 
Jogues and Raimbault visited Sault. Rel., 1643, p. 164. 
Jogues, how tortured, 1642-8, p. 242 and 256. Rel., 1647, p. 75. 
Jogues, captured Aug. 2, 1642. Rel, 1642-3, p. 256. Rel, 1647, 

p. 66. 
Jogues, his letter narrating his captivity. Rel, 1642-3, p. 283 

and p. 299. 
Jogues, his letter narrating his captivity. See Charlevoix, vol I, 

p. 389. 
Jogues, returned to the Mohawks 24 Sept., 1646. Rel, 1647, p. 6. 
Jogues, his massacre, Oct. 18, 1646. Rel, 1647, p. 7, 128. 
Jogues, knocked at the college of Rennes in 1643. lb., 1647, p. 119. 
Jones, Wm., his Indian name Tit-ho-yoh'. "He cauie uninvited." 
Jones, Horatio, Indian agent, biographical notice of. Stone's Red 

Jacket, p. 415. 
Joseph, St. Jhonattiria, a mission station among the Hurons. Rel, 

1637-38, p. 52-61. Rel, 1635, p. 204-146. 
Josej>h, St. Jhonattiria, moved. Rel, 1637-8, p. 66. 
Joseph, Isle of. Rel, 1649-50, p. 8. 

Jo;^eph, Isle of, abandoned for the Iroquois. Rel, 1649-50, p. 87. 
Joli, Mount, on the St. Lawrence. I Charlevoix, p. 86. 
Joncaire, Junior, Chabert-de. Lived at carrying place (Lewiston ?) 

for 10 years prior to 1750. Kalm's letter Annual Reg., vol 2, 

p. 389. 
Joucaire, Junior, ChaberL de, son of Chabert de Joncaire, Senior. 

N. Y. Col. Doc, VII, 144. 
Joncaire, Junior, Chabert de, his Indian name " Nitachinon." Col. 

Doc, IX, 1110. 
Joncaire, Senior, Chabert de, his residence at Lewiston. Charle- 
voix, V, p. 334, 339, 337. 
Joncaire, Senior, Chabert de, a prisoner in his youth among the 

Senecas. lb., 334. Col Doc, IX, 746-7. 
Joncaire, Senior, Chabert de, his eloquence. Charlevoix, V, p. 337. 

IV lb., p. 32, 93, 72. 



INDEX REE TIM. 403 

Joncaire, Senior, Chabert de, Indian name " Sononchiez.^'' Colonial 

Flist., vol. V, p. 588. 
Joncairo, Seiiioi', Chabert de, died about 1742. Col. Doc, IX, 

1090. 
Joncaire, Philip Thomas de, son of above, lieutenant of marines 

and interpreter. Col. Doc, 187, vol. X. 
Joncaire, son of above. Col. Doc, X, p. 163 (Clausonne). N. Y. 

Col. Doc, VI, 76. Brother ol" J. Jr. 
Joncaire, Philip, to command Fort Schlosser. N. Y. Col. Doc, VI, 

706. 
.loncaire, Chabert. N. Y. Doc Hist., 1st ed., vol. II, p. 852. 
Joncaire, Captain, mentioned, Pouchot's Memoires, vol. II, p. 33, 

and Hough's index. 
Joncaire, Shabear (Chabert), Stone's Life of Sir Wm. Johnson, II, 

p. 440-450. 
Joncaire, Shabear (Chabert), names of his Seneca sons, Tahaijdoris 

and Kaiaghshota. Stone's Johnson, II, p. 444. 
Joncaire, Golden, part I, p. 179. 

Johnson, Capt., a Seneca chief, " Narongdigwanok." Miner's Wy- 
oming, p. 187. 
Johnson, Indian intei'preter at Niagara in 1792. II Doc. Hist., p. 

645. 
Johnson, Guy, at Fort Niagara in 1780. Gilbert's Narrative, p. 26. 
Johnson, Wm., father of John, his Indian name was "Ho-we-noh- 

geh." Dr. Wilson's letter, March 11, '62. 
Johnson, Wm., meaning: of above is " many islands " from a-oh-geh 

many, and " ga-we-uot," island. 
Johnson, Wm., after his death his Indian name given to Pascal 

Pratt. Dr. Wilson's letter, March 11, '62. 
Johnson, Wm., was at the massacre of Wyoming. 
Johnson, Wm., was at treaty at Canandaigua in 1794. I Indian 

Treaties, 128. 
Johnson, Wm., buried in old village burying ground by the Masons. 

Seneca White. 
Johnson, Wm., was all white. Seneca White, 



404 INDEX RERUM. 

Johnson, Wm , Capt., died July 5, 1807, buried July 6, 1807. E. 

Granger's letter to Capt. Parish. 
Johnson, Wm., Sir, his \Wfe of the Oouentaouegau family. Creve- 

coeur, vol. 1, p. 347. 
Johnson, Wm., Sir, wife's name Agon^tia. Crevecoeur, vol. 1, p. 

348. 
Johnson, Wm., Sir, Indian name " Wawaukangee." " Siege of 

Detroit," p. 248. 
Johnson, Jack, i. e. John Johnson's Indian name Hah'-se-gwih. Dr. 

Wilson's letter, March 11, '62. 
Johnson, Jack, married April 13, 1S06 to Zenas Barker's 2d daughter. 

E. Granger to Parish. 
John the Baptist, mission and bourg of, transferred to Iroquois. 

Rel., 1650-1, p. 17. 
Johnson's Creek, (in Orleans county) Gah-h4-wet-hah-hoh, " a 

creek placed between," from Wa-wet'-hah-hoh placed between, 

and Gah-ha-deh, a creek. 
Johnson's Creek Landing (Niagara county), three miles east of 

For Niagara or south on the Niagara river, Dyo-yo-wa-yah "a 

place filled with reeds." The French emissaries in olden 

time went to Seneca villages east of Genesee river and induced 

the Indians to cede the territory embraced between Lake On- 
tario, Niagara river, this creek and a line drawn from the head 

of the creek to Lake Ontario. (J. B.) 
Johnson's Creek, first creek east of Fort Niagara, " Heht-gah' Nit- 

ga'-on-da-deh," " a tree high up." A foot log very high up. 
Johnson's Landing, four miles east of carrying place, called Onon- 

wayea. Indian S. Papers, vol. 1, p. 1. 
Jonqueire, ten years at Lewiston before 1750. Kalm's letter, p. 81. 
Joe, Black, had an Indian wife. Seneca White. 
Joncourt, Peter De, interpreter. Col. Doc, N. Y., VI, p. 611 n. 
Johnson, Fort, eighteen miles from Schenectady. Paris and London 

note B, p. 8. 
Kah-kwas?or Squawhihows, lived in Genesee country before the 

Eries. Macauley's N. Y., vol. II, p. 180, 



INDEX RER UM. 405 

Kah-kwas occupied eighteen mile creek. Seneca White. 
Kah-kwas last battle with, fought east of Genesee river. Seneca 

White. 
Kah-kwas lived in two large towns, one at White's Corners, the 

other West. Conjockety, June, '64. 
Kah-kwahs, called Gah-gwah-ge-o-noh by the Senecas. Blacksmith. 
Ka-koua-go-^a, a nation at the eastern extremity of Lake Erie 

destroyed by the Iroquois. Paris map of 1688. 
Ka-koua-go-ga, eighteen mile creek " Caughquaga.^^ EUicott's 

map of H. Purchase. 
Kakoiigoga, Nation detruite, on old MS. map, depot des Cartes. 

Paris, Rue d L'Universite. 
Kandoucho, first bourg of the Neuter nation. Rel., 1641, p. 62. 
Kanonwalohule, chief town of the Oneidas in 1764. Kirkland's 

Memoirs, p. 162. 
Kanonwarohare, an Oneida town in 1785. Kirkland's Memoirs, p. 

267. 
Karezi, Nation of, beyond the Nadoussis. Rel., 1666-7, p. 111. 
Kanawagus, Kunoagon ? Pouchot II, 77. 
Kraus, Peter, a sketch of his life. Alden's Missions, p. 75. 
Kraus, Peter. See Turner's H. Purchase, p. 510. 
Kayashuta, White wings. Craig's Olden Time, vol. 1, p. 344. 
Kayenthoghke, " Cornplanter." Hough's Treaties, 65. Olden 

Time, II, p. 407. 
Kaoi, Point on Lake Ontario. I Doc. Hist., p. 283. 
Kakaling River (Green bay ?) Margry, II, p. 250. 
Kaouenesgo Island near Kataroqui. I Margry, p. 278-281-284. 
Katarakoui, Margry I, 212. 
Kachjoieto, London and Paris Mems., p. 30. 
Kankakee, the true Illinois. St. Cosno letter, p. 25. Rel. Gros. 

Library. 
Kenchiage River. Pouchot, II, p. 231. 
Kenjockety, see Conjockety. 
Kerr, Dr., mentioned in 1792, at Niagara. Campbell's Travels, p. 

216. 



406 INDEX RER UM. 

Kente, Margiy I, p. 233. '' Quintay." lb., p. 248. 
Khionotateroiions, mentioned. Rel., 1641, p. 26. Nation du Petun. 

lb., p. 39. Rel, 1639-40, p. 37-134. Rel., 1635, p. 164. 
Khioetoa or St. Michel, a bourg of the Neuter nation. Rel., 1641, 

p. 81. 
Kionontaterons, Nation du Petun. Rel., 1639-40, p. 164. Speak 

the Huron language. 
Kionontaterons, called Nation du Petun from the abundance of 

« cetU herUy Rel., 1639-40, p. 164. 
Kionontaterons, live twelve or fifteen leagues west du pays des 

Hurons. Rel., 1639-40, p. 164. 
Kionontaterons, mission there " des apotres." Rel., 1639-40, p. 165. 
Kionontaterons among the Sioux. Charlevoix 2, p. 98. 
Kionontaterons, led by Marquette to Mackinaw. Charlevoix II, 

p. 239. 
Kirkland, Samuel, commenced his mission among the Iroquois in 

1764. Memoir, p. 157. 
Kirkland, Samuel, his Indian name '■'■ Lanadanouhne.''' Memoir, 320. 
Kirkland, Samuel, his journal in N. Y. S. Library is of the date of 

1788. 
Kirkland, Samuel, his journal to Kanadasegea, Geneva, Nov., 1764. 

Sparks 15, p. 157. 
Kirkland, Samuel, left Seneca mission in May, 1766. Spark's Am. 

Biog., 15, p. 199. 
Kirkland, Samuel, first journal of 1788, arrived at Buffalo Oreek, 

June 26. lb., lb., p. 286. 
Kirkland, Samuel, visited Geneseo early in 1792. lb., lb., p. 318. 
Kingston, U. C, its former name was " Cataroquoy," in Indian. 

Heriot, p. 145. 
Kioutsacton, principal ambassador of the Mohawks. Rel, 1640, p. 

25. 1644, p. 84. 
Kiotscaeton, principal ambassador of the Mohawks. Rel., 1644-45, 

p. 84. 
Kiskakoumac, mission of. Rel., 1666-7, p. 80. 
King Young had a son named Wm. King, a Cayuga. Alden's 

Missions, p. 98. 



INDEX RER TIM. 4O7 

King, Young had a brother named Peter King. Alden's Missions, 

p. 100. 
King Young, died May 5th, 1836, aged 80 or 90 years (Dr. Wilson). 

Com. Advertiser of May 6, 1835, says May 6th. 
Kienthowa, " in the fields." State Papers. 
Kiashuta, Guyashiita. " Olden Time." II, p. 112. 
Kontareahronon, an Indian nation. Rel., 1639-40, p. 134. 
Konkhandeeuhronon, an Indian nation. Rel., 1639-40, p. 134. 1635 

p. 164. 
Kohoseraghe, Seneca castle destroyed by the French. See Exam- 
ination of Mohawks. 
Kohoseraghe, must refer to Ga-o'-sa-eh'-ga-aah^ for Ohosera means 

hasswood in Mohawk. 
Kontarea, "Principal boulevard du pays." Rel, aux Hurons, 1642, 

p. 74. 
Koui, Island and Bay. Canniffe's Upper Canada, 377 and 133. 
Kouari, Fort, on the Mohawk. Herkimer. Doc. Hist. N. Y., vol. 

1, 339. 
Lakes, American, their Indian names. N. Am. R., vol. 39, p. 71 
Lakes, Great, fur traders visited them in 1654. Bancroft III, p. 145. 
Lakes, Great, first account of, by Champlain published at Paris in 

1617. K A. Review 6, p. 226. 
La Fiteau was with the Iroquois and knew them well, vol. J, LaF. 

p. 23. 
La Fiteau, his work written about 1722, vol. 1, p, 61. LaF. 
La Fiteau, takes the Indian name of Father Bruyas. La Fiteau 4 

p. 146. 
Lamberville, brother of Jacques L., had charge of mission at Onnon- 

tague, Lettres Edifiantes, vol. 4, p. 31. 
Lamberville, his Indian name " Thurensera " or the dawning of the 

day. Colden, 107. 
Lawrence River, St., part of it formerly called "Cadaraqui" or 

Iroquois River (Darby, p. 93, quoting Bouchette). 
Lawrence River, St., part of it formerly called " Cadaraqui. Carver, 

p. 107. 



408 INDEX RER UM. 

L'Alemant, Charles aad Jerome were brothers. Charlevoix V, 1 
p. 338. 

L'Alemant, Charles, the Jesuit, wrote for the return of the Recol- 

lets to Canada. 1 Le Clercq, p. 457. 
L'Alemant, Jerome, his Indian name " Achiandase." ReL, 1642, 

p. 89. 
L'AlIemant, burnt by the Mohawks. Relation, 1652-3, p. 102. 

1648-9, p. 44. 
L'Allement, Gabriel, Pere, sketch of his life. Rel., 1648-9, p. 53. 

Called by the Hurons " Atironta." Rel., 1648-9, p. 58. 
L'Allement, Gabriel, Pere, his martyrdom, March 17, 1649. ReL, 

1648-9, p. 58. 
Languages, Indian, poverty of. Rel., 1639-40, p. 187. La Fiteau 

vol. 4, p. 190-1. 
La Salle, journeys on foot from Ft. Crevecoeur to Ft. Frontenac in 

March, 1680. 2 Le Clercq, 169. 
La Salle, patent from the king to prosecute discoveries. Le Clercq 

II, p. 163. 
La Salle, his eulogy. Margrj-, 2, p. 67. Character lb., 287. 
La Salle, discovered two roads to Illinois. 2 Margry, p. 296. 
La Salle, how his first bark was lost on Lake Ontario. 2d Margry, 

p. 65. 
La Salle, his cabin at La Salle pillaged. 2<3 Margry, p. 70. 
Languages, the Siou, Huron and Algonquin are mother. Charle- 
voix V, p. 292. 
Lawson, Sieur de, at the Sault, ceremonies, etc, Rel., 1670-1, p. 96. 
Lafayette, Indian name " Kayenlaa." Taylor's Ohio, p. 425. Olden 

Time, II, p. 406. 
Lafayette, at Indian treaty at Fort Stanwix in October, 1784. 

Indian Treaties, p. 231. 
Lafayette, at Indian treaty at Fort Stanwix, letters of Washington, 

vol. 9, p. 74 n. 
Lafayette, at Indian treaty at Fort Stanwix, letters to Washington, 

vol. 4, p. 79. 
Lancaster, De-as'-gwah-da-ga'-neh, place of Lamper eel. Dr. Wilson. 



INDEX RERJIM. 409 

Lancaster village, Gas-gwah-daah-geh, place of Lamprey eel. Dr. 
Wilson's letter to C. D. M., Sept. 11, 1862. 

La Fort, died in October, 1848. I Clark, p. 124. 

La Motte, de Lussi^re, enemy of La Salle. 2 Margry, 230. 

Larons, Lac des. Paris and London Mems., p. .SI. 

Le Moyne, Mr., called " Akouessan," by the Iroquois, meaning part- 
ridge. La Hontan T., I, p. 46. 

Le Moyne, his death alluded to, about 1665. Charlevoix, vol. 2, 
p. 154. 

Le Moyne, David, his death on the banks of the Tlohero. Rel., 
1656-7, p. 171. 

Le Moyne, family, French, H. Cole, Louisiana, part III, p. 10. Apple- 
ton's Cyclopedia, vol. XVI. Supp. 

Le Moyne, Charles, his father a merchant of Dieppe. Margry Me- 
moires inedits, p. 71. 

Le Moyne, Charles, married May 28, 1654. Ennobled in 1668. 
Margry Memoires inedits, p. 71. 

Lewiston, Joncaire's fort located at. Charlevoix, V, p. 332. 

Lewiston, a house built there by the French in 1678, Dec. 17. Hen- 
nepin, French edition, p. 77. 

Lewiston, mountain ridge at Lewiston called Duh'-che-ha'-oh. See 
mountain ridge. 

Lewiston, three rocks on Lewiston side of Niagara. Hennepin, 
French, p. 114. 

Lewiston, description of the ascent of the ridge. Pouchot III, 173. 

Lewiston, three hills at. Pouchot III, 173. Gilbert's narrative, p. 
79. " Sharp hills." 

Lewiston, Duh'-jih-heh'-oh. Mr. Wright's letter, Feb. 27, '66. 

Lewiston, store house at, sold by Samuel Street and James Bennet 
to Francis Loring, Sept. 19, 1781, for 151 — 18. N. Y. currency. 

Le Bouef, Fort, Indian name, " Casewago." Col. Doc, X, 259n. 

Le Couteuix, Louis, had three Indian names in Seneca according to 

Tommy Jimmy and Conjockety, to wit : First. She-dwah'-nih, 

meaning " Our Father?'' Second, Doh-dyah-gi-gaah, meaning 

" The French.''^ Third, 0-nis-dyo-da-gwah, spittle flying, in 

52 



410 INDEX REE TTM. 

allusion to that characteristic of the old man. June, A. D. 

1849. Names interpreted and written hj Dr. Wilson. 
League, Canada, is a lieue commune, 2,400 toises. Memoires in- 

edit.s, 75. 
League, French, see map of Champlain, 1664. No. 11 Cartes de 

Canada.^ 
League, Bonnecamp's Journal. 
League, " Lieue Commune, 2282 toises " == 44441 metres. Littre = 

2. 74 miles. 
League, varied from province to province before the French Rev. 

Eng. Cyclopedia, "League." 
League, Lieue candienne, 2000 toises. Paris note book, p. 15. 
League, Lieue communs de France, 2282 toises. Paris notes, 44. 
League, " Canadian, about 2i miles." Paris notes, p. 28, 31. Sau- 

thier's map, 1777. 
Le Clercq, in alluding to the toils and suffering of the missionaries 

sj^ys '' Postera vix credet praesens mirabitur aetas." Le Clercq, 

II, p. 131. 
Lescarbofc, Un Avocat de Paris, mentioned. I Charlevoix, 185. 
Lima, Indian name Sgft-his-g«-aah, " it was a long creek." 
Little Beard, Indian'name Shegwieiidaukwe. Alden's missions, p. 99. 
Little Beard, Indian name Shigwarentonghkwi. Indian Treaties, 343. 
Little Beard, died on Tonawanda Reservation since the last emigra- 
tion from Gesiesee. Peter Wilson's letter, Nov. 27, 18G9. 
Little Beardstown, Ga-nah-da-ont-'whah, where the hemlopk leaves 

were poured on the ground. Dr. Wilson's letter, Nov. 29, 1869. 
Little Billy, Indian name " Juskaka." Drake's Book of Indians, V. 

110 and 36 n. 
liittle Billy, Indian name Gish-ka-ka. Stone's Red Jacket, p. 323. 
Little Billy, Drake's Indians, V, 36 n. Jishkaaga, i. e., " Green 

grasshopper." 
Little Billy, Jish-ke-ke, Katydid (a bug). M. B. Pierce, Feb. 7, 

1874. 
Little Billy, Capt., Jis'-ge-gee, Katydid or long winged grasshopper. 

A. Wright's letter of Dec. 15, '74. 



INDEX RER UM. 411 

Little Billy, Capt., died Dec. 28, 1834, sui)po:ied to be 83 yeai's old. 

A. Wright. 
Long Point, its Indian name Gah-nuh'-ho-geb. Blacksmith. 
Long Point, G.ineonskaon, on Le Roux Atlas, 1778. Beaurain's 

chart of 1777 and one before. 
Long Point, " Ga-nrf'h-hoh-geh,*' the jjlace where it was iilled np. 

From " Ga-no-holi^^'' f nil or iilled up, and " geh^ place of. 

Geh is from Cayuga word Toh-geh, at the place or that place. 

Long Point is the ruins of the great beaver dam. Dr. Wilson's 

ktter of July 22, 1854. 
Long Point, mentioned in Gilbert's narrative, p. 77. 
Long Pointj Pottohawk Point. Paris note book, p. 76. 
Lovelace, Governor, a letter from him to Father Pierron. Rel., 

1668-9, p. 28. 
Loups, enemies of the Iroquois. Rel., 1668-9, p. 8, 85. 
Louis, St., Fort, arrival of the companions of La Salle at. Le 

Clercq, vol. II, p. 366. 
Louis, St., Fort, on an inaccessible rock. I Margrj-, 613. 
Louis, St., river. Margry 1, p. 261-268. 
Louis, Fort, vide K. Y. Col. Documents, vol. IX, p. 890. 
Logan, story of, Taylor's Ohio, 238. Minnie Myrtle, p. 237. 
Logan, his Indian name " Tal-ga-yee-ta." Minnie lUyrtle, p. 237. 
Lottridge, Tom, with Sir Wm. Johnson at Lake Erie. II Stone's 

Johnson, p. 453. 
Lord's prayer in Iroquois? Smith's History of iST. Y., voi. I, p. 53. 
Log story, Indian and white man on log. I Clark, p. 100. 
Louis Phillippe, allusion to his travels in America. Pro. N. Y. 

Hist. Soc, Nov. 2d, 1847, p. 131-2. 
Louisiana, first so named. Margry II, p. 21, June 16, 1670. 1 

.Margry, 465. 
Logstown, first Indian town on road from Lancaster to Allegany. 

Penn. Col. R., V, 289. 
Lorino-, Commodore on lake in 1765. Paris and London note book^ 

p. 13 and 10. 
Luth, J. dn, commander of Fort Frontenac. Lettres Edifiantes 

translation, p. 116. 



412 INDEX BERUM. 

Luth, J. du, " Oapitaine de Toncharontio." Belmont's Canada, 
p. 20. 

Marquette, writes from the Sault. Rel., 1668-9, p. 102. 

Marquette, went to the Ontaoiiacs, Rel, 1667-8, p. 106. 

Marquette. Rel., 1670-1, p. U7. 

Mahingans, called Loups by the French. Rel, 1667-8, p. 15. 

Mass, first said in Canada. June 25, 1615. Le Clercq, I, p. 60, 

Maple Sugar, its manufacture (?) sap only. Le Clercq, vol. I, p. 253. 

Martyrdom, was not inflicted by savages, rather a love of cruelty. 
Le Clercq, I, p. 283. 

Masse, Ennemond, first Jesuit mission to Pt. Royal in 1611. Char- 
levoix, I, 189. 

Masse, Ennemond, an account of his life, etc., etc. Rel., 1646, p. 
36. MS. 

M§-sse, Raymond, first Jesuit mission. I Champlain, 131. 

Masse, arrived June 8, 1633 at Quebec. Rel, 1633, p. 239. 

Mambre, Zenobe, with Tonti in Illinois in 1680. II Char., 272. 

Maurice, the name of the river (in Dutch) in the Mohawk country. 
Rel., 1646, p. 10. MS. 

Mathkoutench, or nation du feu. Rel, 1670-1, p. 94. 

Mascouleuch nation. Rel., 1670-1, p. 157. 

Maskenunge, or Maskemuntschi, Heckwelder's name for. Narra- 
tive, 391. 

Machidache (Matchedash). Pouchot, vol. II, 216. 

Mastilonge, Pouchot, vol. Ill, p. 274. 

Maskanongy, Campbell's travels in N. America, vol. I, p. 182. 

McCashling, John, at Little Niagara, June 14, 1780. 

Mason & Dixon line, latitude of, 39°, 43', 18". Olden Time, II, 
p. 286. 

Maire, F. Le. Memoire sur la Louisiana. Paris notes, p. 41. 

Margry, P., discrepancy in dates. I Margry's Decouvertes, pp. 
500-523-543. 

Meuran, a Jesuit father, the last in America. See " Jesuit." 

Mesnard, Rene, Father, went to Lake Superior in 1660. 

Menard, Rene, missionary among the Nipissiriniens in 1642. Rel., 
1642-3, p. 129 (1642, p. 167). 



INDEX BEB UM. 413 

Menard, Ren^, lost in the woods and died of hunger. Rel., 1664-5, 

p. 39. 
Menard, Ren6, account of his death. Rel., 1662-S, p. 97-120. 
Menard, Rene, savage treatment of. Rel., 1662-3, p. 99-100-117. 
Menard, Ren4, penetrated nearest to China. Rel, 1662-3, p. 129. 
Menard, was with the Cayugas about 1657. Rel., 1667-8, p. 101. 
Menard, was with the Cayugas in 1657. Le Clercq, I, 542. 
Menard, baptised 400 Cayugas in 1657. Le Clercq, I, 542. 
Mercier, Le, Father, arrived in New France. Rel., 1635, p. 93. 
Mercier, Le, fell through the ice. Rel., 1641, p. 31, aux Hurons. 
Mercier, Le, his Indian name Agochiendaguete. N. Y. Hist. Soc. 

Bulletin, 1847, p. 150. 
Mercier, Le, Indian name " Chanose " and Teharonhiagannera. 

Rel., 1671-2. 
Mercier, Le, Indian name " Achiendase." Rel., 1656-7, p. 58. 
Merdouce, Rel., 1635, p. 163. Champlain, I, p. 326. 
Michigan, Lake, noticed on map published in Paris, 1656. 
Michigan, Lake, N. Am. Rev., voL 39, p. 64. 
Michigan, Lake, called '' Lac des Illinois " or "Michigami " or Lac 

Dauphin. Paris map 1688, N. Y. Lib. 
Michigan, Lake, called Mitchiganons & Ilinois. Rel,, 1670-1, p. 93. 
Michigan, Mitchaw, "great," sagiegan, " ^ake." Blois Michigan, 

p. 177. 
Michigan, " Michigonong," great. lake. Hennepin, p. 53-29. 
Mississippi, "Great River." Lettres Edifiantes, p. 310, vol. 4. 
Mississippi, "Great River," Hennepin, Chap. V, also p. 38, Eng. ed. 
Mississippi, " Great River," discovered by Joliet, June 15, 1673. I 

Margry, 263. 
Mississippi, thought by La Salle to empty into the Mer Vermeil (Cali- 
fornia). Le Clercq II, 138. 
Mississippi, its embouchure discovered by La Salle, April 9, 1682. 

Le Clercq, II, 236. 
Mississippi, called Messipi. Rel., 1666-7, p. 111-23. Is Ottmoa. 

Margry, II. p. 245. 
Mississippi, discovered by La Salle. I Doc. Hist. IST. Y., 158. 



414 INDEX REBTIM. 

Mississippi River, called Gastacha by the Iroquois. Margry, II, 

p. 245. 
Mississippi River, names of tribes on, enumerated by La Salle. 

Margry II, p. 95-6. 
Mississippi, revealed by La Salle. lb. Discovered by Marquette. 

lb. Margry, I, 203-259. Shea's Discovery, XXIX. June 

15-1V-J6. 1673. 
Mississippi River, called Conception by Marquette. Shea's Dis- 
covery, XXIX. 
Mississippi, discovered by Joliot and Marquette in 1673. 
Mississippi, named R. Colbert by La Salle. Margry I, p. 595. 2 

lb., 52. 
Missisipi, alluded to. Rel., 1670-1, p. 90. lb., p. 93.^ 144-175. 
Missouri, or^ Pekitanoui, " Eau bourbeuse " ? L. Edifiantes, 4, p. 

199. 
Missionaries, Jesuit, their privations. Hennepin 2, p. 15. 
Millet, Pere, was a missionary among the Onondagas. Rel., 1668-9, 

p. 38-47. 
Millet, Pere, leaves for the Iroquois. Rel., 1667-8, p. 97. Rel., 

1670-1, p. 58. 
Millet, Pere, destined for the Cayugas. Rel., 1667-8, p. 100. 
Milwaukee, called " Melleoki." 2 Le Clcrcq, p. 173. 
Michel, bourg of among Senecas. Rel., 1659-60, p. 141. 1666-7, 

p. 99. 
Michel, bourg of among Iroquois. Rel., 1650-1, p. i7. 
Michel, bourg of among Iroquois. Rel., 1672-3, p. 109. Shea. 
Missisaugue, Rel., 1670-1, p. 92. Rel., 1670-1, p. 115. Vide Si. 
Missisaugue, Indians (in Canadian peninsula) called Round heads. 

Col. Doc, 5, p. 589. 
Missisaugue, on Niagara river. Paris notes, p. 70-121. 
Missilimackinac, Rel., 1670-1, p. 92. Mission and fishery. Also 

Rel., 1670-1, p. 134, for isle, p. 144. 
Missilimackinac, N. of Strait. Le Clercq, II, p. 148. 
Minesota, name of St. Peter's river. " Watpa Minisottie " in Indian. 
Middaugh, lived in Bufi'alo in 1795. Turner's H. Purchase & H. of 

Erie Co., Pa., p. 87. 



INDEX UERUM. - 415 

Middaiigh, lived in Lewiston in 178S. Turner's H. P., 312-315, 

Middaiigh, Mother, a tax payer in Buffalo. lb , p. 391, 

Military Road from Lewiston to B. Rock, built by Gen. Wilkinson 

in 1802. A. S. Porter's letter to C. D. N. 
xMingo, a term applied by the French to the Iroquois. Relation, 

Abregee, 323. 
Mile Strip, east side Niagara river. Lot 104 occupied by one 

Stevens, 10 acres. Joseph Annin's Survey, 1808, No. 20, Field 

Book. 
Mile Strip, Lot 107, laid out for the ferry, in possession of Wm . 

Pangburn. lb. 
Mile, Dutch. N. Y. Col. Doc, VII, p. 334. 
Missichiaganan, Margry, I, p. 261. 

Mohawks, La Fiteau says they did not admit they were compre- 
hended under the name Agonnonsioni, vol. 1, p. ft^ /i92, 
Mohawks, say they came secondarily from Quebec. La Fiteau I 

p. 94. 
Mohawks called Agaierrhonons. Rel., 1635, p. 164. 
Mohawks, lived in three villages on three small mountains. Rel., 
■ 1640-1, p. 136. 

Mohawks, their language on the tongue. Wyandot in the throat. 

Schoolcraft's Wigwam, p. 200. 
Mohawks, had seven large bourgs in the space of seven leao-ues in 

1668. KeL, 1668-9, p. 7. 
Mohawks, called " Ganuiegez or Agniez." Hennepin Fr,, p. 42. 
Mohawks, almost exterminated by Algonkins at end of 16th centurv. 

Rel., 1659-60, p. 52. 
Mohawks, almost exterminated by Andastes. lb. 
Mohawk, village named Gan-da-oiia-guon. Rel., 1668-9, p. 19. 
Mohawk, village two leagues from Gandaouaguen. Rel., 1667-8 

p. 41. 
Mohawk capital, named Tionnoutoguen. Rel., 1687-8, p. 41. 
Mohawk, Agnier. Ganniag-o-ari. Une ourse, nom de I'ao-nier. 

Bruyas' Die, p. 73. 
Mohawk villages located. Southier's map. 



416 INDEX RER UM. 

Mohawk, a, alluded to who had been to France. Rel., 165*7-8, p. 31. 
Mosquenonge, an Indian word, vide O. H. M. private mem. book. 
Mosquenonge, see Henry's travels, p. 30, " called by the Indians 

^' Masquinongey 
Mosquenonge, see Shultz' travels, vol. 1, p. 49. Maskonangee. 
Moskinonge, Crevecoeur voyage dans Pennsylvania, vol. II, p. 409. 
Mostilonge, Pouchot, vol. Ill, p. 274. 
Mountain Ridge, at Lewiston, called by the Senecas Duh' -che-ha'-oh' , 

meaning " walking on all fours," or to that effect. Blacksmith, 

John. 
Montreal, its site ? Champlain, I, p. 225. 

Montreal, so named from a high mountain. Rel., 1642, p. 126. 
Montreal, its Indian name Minitikotenentagogiban. lb, 
Montreal, Seneca name " Ddh-dyah-gih." (Blacksmith & Wilson). 
Montreal, Ochelaga. Rel,, 1642, p. 36, 

Montreal, its Mohawk name " Tyoh-tyk-kih, Isaac Barefoot, 
Monteur, Capt, Rowland and John Monteur mentioned in Gilbert's 

narrative, p, 6, p. 30, p, 59, 
Monteur, Capt, Rowland, his wife was a daughter of Si-an-go-rochti, 

king of the Senecas, lb., p. 59. 

Monteur, Belle, daughter of Edward Pollard. Merritt's Ms, 
Monteur, John, shot in the back in Sullivan's expedition, 1*779. 

Merritt's Ms. Goring's letter of Sept. 12, 1779. 
Montour, Capt, Rowland, died from a wound. Gilbert's narrative 

p. 148, 
Mountour, Capt. Rowland, at Wyoming. Gilbert's narrative, p. 59. 

Miner's Wyoming Appendix, p, 22. 
Montour, Capt. Rowland and John, were Mohawks descended of a 

French woman, Gilbert's narrative, 30. 
Montour, Capt. Rowland died in 1781 near Penn., of a wound, 

Gilbert, p. 148, 
Montour, Capt. Rowland at Wyoming massacre. Miner, p. 22, 

appendix. 

Montour, Capt. Stone's Johnson, II, p, 455-459-60. 



INDEX RER TIM. 4 j ^ 

Montour, Catharine, account of, Stone's Brandt vol T n -.a 
340. Annals of Tryon Co., p ]8l ' ^^ '^^ 

Montour, Belle, her husband killed in 1V79 in a canoe by .ebels on 
shore. Merritt's Ms. ^ leoeis, on 

Montoixr, iMadame, Henry, and Andrew. See Tavlor's Ohic „n rn 

and 61 and n. 62-3 ^ ' W^' ^^ 

Mont^our, Madame, was 60 yoa,. old in 1-44. Ma... Hi.. Coll., 

Montour, Madame, had two daughte.s married to Indiar-: lb 11, 
Montour, Madame, i,a,1 one so,, an Indian el.ief. lb b 

Monte,," Capt. (,n IY6O9. Roger's .Jonrnal, ,. 2,0 

JaeLt;;. ;;:'^" "^-'^ ''"''•'""■ "-"-^"-cly." stone. R. 
Mound^ Indian, at Buffalo. N. of Conjockety and E. of JIain st,eet 

mangle Seneca White. O. H. M. Battle fo„<.ht the,-e 
Mound, o„ Tonawanda Wand. See Tonawanda = " f"""^' 

Monoonrt, Cadet, killed by an Indian at Niagara. Ponchot. vol. II, 

Moeoeks c-r Mokuk, .,Vfe .Sohooleraffs Hi, a„d Con. Indian Tribes, 

Mountains 3, at Lewiston. Pa,-is notes, p 46 

Moyei-, Joseph. See Willcox. 

Montcalm, attack on Oswego, Pai-is notes 84 

Mount PJeasaut, on Niaga,-a ,-ive,-. Pa,.is and London note book, 

^"'w?ltk "TpT 7"-', "' To--anda and Pendleton. Nnh'- 

wi -yulf. J. blacksmith. 

"""l.yS) lonf"'- ''™' ^^"^' '■'■'"" «^-«'">-"' f-«. -d 

Muskelunge see " Mosqnenonge " and " Jl.as " 

Muskelunge called " M„.scalunga." Campbell's life of Clinton, 

Muskelunge,oalledMnsk«lnnga. Bloisaazeteer of Illinois p 55^8 
Muskelunge, called Mnschilonge. Nat. Hist. Fishes. Ma;,' p 'ee.' 



418 INDEX RER VM. 

Muskelunge, called Mosquenonge. Lanmau's Michigan, p. 214. 
Schoolcraft's Tonr, p. 118. 

Muskelunge, c;illed Maskonenjee antl Musconenga. Schultz, vol. I, 
p. 49-98. 

3Iuskelunge, soe Kinong6. Pike. La Hontvn, vol. 2, p. 204. 

Muskelunge, Masquinongez Espece de broch.ets. Charlevoix V, p. 
177. 

Muskelunge, ?»[askenozha-Maskenouge. Morse's Geography. 

Muskelunge, Maskenonge. See Morse's Geography. Art. " Canada." 

Muskelunge, Masquiiiouges. CliDton's Hist. Discourse, p, 45. 

Muskelunge, Muscanunge Spafford's Gazeteer, p. 22. 

Muskelunge, " Moskinonge." Wisconsin Hist. Coll., 1856, p. 147. 

Muskelunge, Maskonunge or Maskenuntschi. Heckwelder's Narra- 
tive, 891. 

Mu?kelunge, Mastilonge. Ponchot, vol. HI, p. 274. 

Muskelunge, Maskanongy. Campbell's travels in N. America, I, 
p. 282. 

Muskelunge, species of pike called by the Indians Masquinong^, 
Henry, p. 30. 

Muskelunge, Maskinonge. Crevecoeur Voyage dans Penn., vol. II, 
p. 409. 

Muskelunge, Kenonjay in Algonquin & Chippewa. Long's travels, 
p. 205 and 223. 

Muskelunge, " Meechaw," face. " Keendnge," long. Long's vocab- 
ulary, p. 263-285. 

Muskelunge, .Maskinonge. Potherie, vol. I, p. 306. 

Muskingum, fortified town at mouth. Paris notes, p. 47. 

Names, Indian chiefs bear the names of their villages. Rel., 1668-9, 
p. 65. La Fiteaii. 

Names, no family names among the Hurons. Rel., 1642, p. 120. 

Nado-iiessis, at Sault? Rel., 1642, [). 165. Rol., 1670-1, p. 144. 

Nadoiiessiouek. Rel , 1666-7, p 111. 

Nantoue Nation. Rel., 1670-1, p. 156. 

Navy Island, Turner's H. Purchase, p. 212. Pouchot, II, 124. 



INDEX RER UM. 4 ] 9 

Navy Island, one of two vessels accidentally burnt at, in 176G. 

K Y. Do(\ Hist., vol. 11, p. 483. Doc. Hist., vol. II, p. 831 

and 835. I, p. 485. 
Navy Island, vessels burnt at G. Island. Campbell's Life of 

Clinton, 135. 
Navy Island, Seneca name Ga-o-wc^h-go-waah " the two great boat 

island." A. Wright's Orthography, Conjockety & Strong. • 
Navy Island, tradition says French built two great vessels there. 

A brass cannon on the smaller vessel. lb. lb. 
Navy Island, see " Vessels." 
Navy Island, see Col. Doc, vol. X, p. 992. 

Navy Island, " Isle Le Marine." Map in Voyage dans Pennsyl- 
vania, vol. III. 
Navy Island, vessel building there in 1*761. Stone's Life Sir Wra. 

Johnson, II, 440-450-470. 
Navy Island, ship yard near southern end, east side. , O. H. M., 

" spike." 
Navy Island, one of two vessels burnt there, Nov. 30, 1766. Wm. 

Johnson's Ms., N. Y. S. Lib., XIV, No. 1. 
Navy Island, noticed. Paris and London Mems., p. 13. 
Navy Hall, Newark in Canada West so called. I Liancourt, 23. 
Navy Hall, why so called. I Indian Treaties, 343. 
Navy Hall, about a. mile from Newark on the bank of the Niagara. 

Smyth's F. C, p. 113. 
Navy Hall, a building on the border of the Niagara liver, beneath 

Fort George. Hei'iot's Canada, p. 150. 
Nanticokes, arrived at Onondaga from Maryland. Don't speak 

Iroquois. Penn. Col. R., vol. 4, p. 662. 
Negroes, two negroes at Nunda or Gardeau in 1779. Mary Jemison, 

124-129. 
Negroes, see Turner's Phelps & Gorham's Purchase, p. 406. 
Negroes, see "Cornelius Creek." 
Neuter Nation, destroyed by the Iroquois in 1642 or 3 ? See Rel., 

1642-3, p. 114. 
Neuter Nation, captive of the, mentioned by Le Moyne. Rel. 

1653, p. 69. ' 



420 INDEX RERTIM. 

Neuter Natioii, their destruction mentioned. Am, Antiq. Coll., 

11, 73. 
Neuter Nation, see La Fiteau, vol. 3, p. 159. 
Neuter Nation, " Attikadaron.'''' Relation, 1641, 50-52-46 or 

Neuter Nation. 
Neuter Nation, Attiouandaronk. Bancroft, p. 128. Relation, 1641, 

p. 52. 1639-40, p. 134. 
Neuter Nation, a Huron tribe. Ill Bancroft, 255. Charlevoix, I, 

p. 377. 
Neuter Nation, a remnant of them found by Father Fremin in 1669 

among the Five Nations at " Gandnugarac," under the Senecas. 

Am. Ant. Coll., II, 73. 
Neuter Nation, exterminated in 1651 b}^ capture of principal village. 

Am. Ant. Coll., II, 76, 
Neuter Nation, spoke a dialect of the Huron. II Am. Ant. Coll., 

p. 72. 
Neuter Nation, called '■'• Auiouandaronlc" by the Hurons (and vice 

versa). Rel., 1641, p, 52. 
Neuter Nation, mentioned. Rel., 1640-1, p. 179. lb., 1641, p. 24. 

lb., p. 44, 16.'i9-40, p. 168-170. 
Neuter Nation, mentioned. Rel., 1648-9, p. 92. 
Neuter Nation, Iroquois and Hurons and Neuter Nation formerly 

one people, Rel., 1641, p, 52. 
Neuter Nation, four days journey from their northwestern village 

to the mouth of the Niagara. Rel., 1641, p, 49. 
Neuter Nation, Daillon's journey to the Neuter Nation in 1626, 

Journal of Le Clercq, I, p. 348. 
Neuter Nation, description of their country. Le Clercq, I, p. 359. 
Neuter Nation, mentioned by Champlaiii, I, p. 358, 
Neuter Nation, their war with Nation du Feu (2000). Relation, 

1642-3, p, 114. 
Neuter Nation, origin of their war with the Iroquois. La Fiteau, 

vol. III, p, 159, 
Neuter Nation, missions among them established 1642. Rel,, p. 132. 
Neuter Nation, destroyed by Iroquois in 1650 and 51. Relation, 

1650-1, p. 15. 



INDEX RER TIM. 421 

IsTeuter Nation, in open war with Iroquois. Rel., 1649-50, p. 103. 
Neuter Nation, their country mentioned. Sagard's Journal, p. 21, 

O. H. M. Ms. 
Neuter Nation, alluded to. Colonial History, vol. V, p. 589. 
Neuter Nation, Aondironons. Rel., 1640-35, 1648-49, 1656-34. 
Neuter Nation, Ondieronii. Ducreux's map in Rel., Abreg^. 
Neuter Nation, captives among the Senecas. Le Clercq, vol. I, 

p. 544. 
Neuter Nation, comprised five or six thousand combatants, stronger 

and more numerous than the Hurons. Sagard's Voyage, Ed. 

1632. 
Neuter Nation, contains 100 leagues nearly of territory. lb. lb. 
Neuter Nation, are enemies of Five Nations. At peace with Hurons 

and Iroquois. lb. 
Neuter Nation, owners of Western New York. N. Y. Col. Doc, 

V, 589". 
Neuter Nation, alluded to. Col. Doc, IV, p. 908-9. V, lb., 589. 
Neuter Nation, Gah'-gwaah. A. Wright. 
Neuter Nation, only a day's journey from the Iroquois. Sagard's 

Canada, II, 893. 
Neuter Nation, Rel., 1648, p. 46. Quebec ed. 
Newark, called Butlersburg in 1780, opposite Ft. Niagara. Gilbert's 

narrative, p. 52. 
Newark, or Butlersburg built by Col. Butler. lb. lb., p. 52. 
New York, state boundary line between it and Conn. Report of 

Comr's, 1861. 
New York, embraced Upper Canada in May, 1755. D'Anville's 

map of N. America. N. Y. S. Lib. 
Niagara, its different names. Smith's New York, p. 220, vol. 2 and 

vol. 1, p. 220. 
Niagara, a Mohawk name. Schoolcraft's report. 
Niagara, pronounced by the Senecas " 0-ni-d,4-g4rah." Schoolcraft's 

tour, p. 33. 
Niagara, means " thunder of waters." Schoolcraft's tour, p. 33. 

See also Weld's travels, vol. II, p. 317. 



422 INDEX RER TIM. 

Niagara, written " Otiguiaahra." Rel., 1640-1, p. 65. " Ongtd- 

aalira^'' p. 50. 
ISTiagara, written " Unghiara." Bancroft, vol. Ill, p. 128 mde Rel., 

1648, p. 46. 
Niagara, called " Jagara." Smith's K Y., vol. 1, p. 220, and 

Colden's App., p. 15. 
Niagara, called Oniagara. Golden, p. 79. 

Niagara, " Onega " is Iroquois for water. La Fiteaii, IV, 181 . 
Niagara, called " 0-iiy-a'kar-ru '' by the Iroquois. Macanloy, II, 

177. 
Niagara, called " JSFe-a-gaw " by the Senecas. White woman, 70. 
Niagara, pronounced " Nee-axog-ara " by the Indians. Weld., vol. 

II, p. 317. 
Niagara means '• a mighty rushing or fall of water.'''' lb. lb., p. 

318. 
Niagara, mentioned in La Fiteau, vol. Ill, p. 198. 
Niagara, spelled " Niagara " on Paris map of 1688. (N. Y. Lib., 

No. 1). (" 100 toises high.") 
Niao-ara, mentioned as " Chute d' eau'''' on Champlain's map Ist 

edition. 
Niao-ara, spelled Oneagerah-Onygara. Mohawk examination. Brod- 

head's Coll., vol. 3, p. 167-8. 
Niao-ara, La Salle built a Maison a I'Est at tlie mouth of the river. 

^Hennepin French Ed., p. 48, 1678. 
Niao-ara, Seneca village at the mouth of. Hennepin French Ed., 

p., 75. 1678. 
Niagara, Seneca village of that name in 1678 on the river at Lewiston. 

"lb., p. 78. 
Niagara, " Ongyata " is " throat " in Huron. Sagard's Huron Die 
Niagara, " Ongyasa " is " back of the nech " in Huron. lb. lb. lb. 
Niagara, Oxniagara. Lewis Evans' map, 1755. 
Niao-ara, portage on east side, 8-m. Great Rock, west side. Evans' 

map, 1755. 
Niagara, called Oghni^gara. Evans' map, 1755. 
Niagara, three sharp hills in portage round the falls of. Evans' 

map, 1755. 



INDEX RER UM. 423 

Niagara, Oakinagavo. Col. Doc. 4, p. 909. 

Niagara, Saut de, or Gaconchiate. Ms. map Rue de rUniversite 

Paris. 
Niagara, "Sault de Onongiara." Old. Ms. map S. D. Rue de 

I'Universite Paris. 
Niagara, Oh-nya-ga-ra, Mohawk name for. Isaac Barefoot. 
Niagara, see Relation, 1641, p. 71. " Ouguiaahra." 
Niagara, portage around, previous to 1792, on Canada side. Maude, 

144. 
Niagara, portage, little Forts (stockades) alluded to. West Reserve 

Pamp., p. 4. 
Niagara to Detroit, expedition from. Canadian Literary Magazine, 

May, 1834. 
Niagara, saw mill at, see Goring. 
Niagara, newspaper published at, in 1793 called "Upper Canada 

Gazette, etc. 
Niagara, Little. Paris and London note book, p. 1 ] and 19. 
Niagara village, opposite the fort called Butlerburg. See " B u." 
Niagara village, gazette printed there in 1795, weekly. Liancourt, 

vol. II, p. lO-'i. 
Niagai'a village, a kind of Indian hermit resided there. Voyage 

dans Penn., Ill, 84. Must have lived opposite Ft. Niagara. III. 

lb., p. 102-3. 
Niagara River, a village of Senecas at its mouth in 1678. Henne- 
pin French, 72. 
Niagara River, below the ridge called Ne-a-gaa. Blacksmith. 
Niagara River, 200 Iroquois employed in carrying packs of furs 

over the carrying place of Niagara (twenty pence a pack for 

three leagues). Kalm. Annual Reg, vol. II, p. 389. 
Niagara River, carrying place of Niagara on east bank. Charlevoix, 

V, p. 343. 
Niagara River, below Lewiston called '" Erie" in 1792. N. Y. Doc. 

Hist , vol. II, p. 645. 
Niagara River, above the Falls ? called " Canaguaraghe." N. Y. 

Doc. Hist., I, p. 525. Col. Doc, V, p. 800. 



424 INDEX RER UM. 

Niagara River, frozen over at Ft. Niagara from Jan. 1 to March 1, 

1780. Merritt's Ms. 
Niagara River, no special name above the Falls among the Senecas, 

Seneca White, 1864. 
Niagara River, called Niagara below the Falls, not above. lb. lb. 
Niagara River, map of. Paris and London Mems., p. 36. 
Niagara Falls, spelled " Ongiara " on Sanson's map of Canada, pub- 
lished at Paris in 1657 and is the first map on which they 

appear. N. \. Review, vol. 6, new series, p. 227, July, 1822. 
Niagara Falls, called " Ongiara SoaiW^ on Sanson's map, 1683. 
Niagara Falls, called " Ongiara Cataractes." Da Creux Historia 

Canadensis, A. D. 1660. 
Niagara Falls, called " Saut de au''"' on Champlain's map E, 1613 

N. Y. Hist. S. Lib. 
Niagara F'alls, called by Senecas Dit-ca-sko?i-saize, "high fall." 
Niagara Falls, Det-gah-skoh-ses. The place of the long {i. e high) 

Fall. 
Niagara Falls, called by the savages Ochniagara and Oghniogorah, 

A. D. 1769. II Knox Historical Journal, p. 139. 
Niagara Falls, early notices of, noticed. Yates & Moulton's N. Y., 

Part I, p. 260 n. 
Niagara Falls, mentioned though not by name. Le (Jlercq, II, p. 

212, pub. 1691. 
Niagara Falls, visited by Peter Kalm in August, 1750. Annual Reg., 

vol. II, p. 389. 
Niagara Falls, T-gah-sgoh'-so-wa-nah. A. Wright and N. H. 

Parker. Great Falls, from Go-wa-nah Great, and Gah-skoh-sah, 

fall of water. See Rogers' America, 172. 
Niagara Falls, " T-gah-sgoh'-sa-deh." " The place of the Falls." 

Wilson, Wright & Parker. 
Niagara Falls, noticed by L'Escarbot, 1609 (?), p. 249. Quere. 
Niagara Falls, EUicott's accoani of, in Columbian Magazine for 

June, 1790. 
Niagara Falls, account of, by Mr. Borussan. Phil, trans , No. 371 

p. 69. 



INDEX RMR U3f. 425 

Niagara Falls, account of, by Peter Kalm. Appendix to Bartram's 

travels. 
Niagara Falls, called " Ongiara Sault." Sanson's map of 1657 in 

old vol. O. H. M. 
Niagara Falls, visited by the Gilbert family in 1781. Narrative, 

p. 61. 
Niagara Falls, described by the Gilbert family in 1781. Narrative 

p. 78. 
Niagara Falls, saw-mill erected at, in May 1767 by Lieut. DePeyster. 

Merritt's Ms. 
Niagara Falls, visited by Robert Rogers in 1765. 
Niagara Falls, " I)e-ga sko'-sece." Sand ford's Orthography, "Long 

or highest fall." Niagara Falls. 
Niagara Falls, see Relation, 1641, p. 71. " Onguiaachra." 
Niagara Falls, portage around, previous to 1 792, on Canada side. 

Maude, 144. 
Niagai-a Falls, visited by Mr. Gordon in 1774. Schenectady letter 

July 17, '74. 
Niagara Falls, nieasureinent Dec. 8, 1789. Campbell's travels, p. 

175 and 202. 
Niagara Falls, ''' Ny'-each-gau " Koskonghade. Alden's Missions, 

p. 33. 
Niagara Falls, Mohawk name Oh-nya-ga-i a. Lsaac Barefoot. 
Niagara Falls, visited by the Abbe Piquet in 1751. I Doc. Hist., 

283. 
Niagara Falls, described. Margry, vol. 1, p. 5 77. 500 feet high, 

200 toises broad. 
Niagara Falls, mill site at, on Lot 43, 100 acres, 30 improved by 

Stedman, in 1803, surveyed b}^ Joseph A. ? worth $15 per acre. 

Field Book, 20, p. 424 and 290 S. General's office. 
Niagara Falls, called " Saut de Conty," by La Salle. 2 Margry, p. 

34-69-76-63-4. 
Niagara Falls, I Margry, 172. Sixty feet high ! 
Niagara, Fort, calkd Ft. " Conty " on Paris map of 1688. 
Niagara, Fort, La Salle intended to build a fort. Hennepin, Fr. Ed., 

47, 1678. 

54 



426 INDEX RER UM. 

Niagara, Fort, garrisoned by the French in August, 1750. Annual 

Reg., vol. ir, p. 389. 
Niagara, Fort, commanded by M. Beaajean in 1750. Annual Reg., 

vol. II, p. 389. 
Niagara, Fort, commenced in 1726 and finished same year. Doc. 

Hist. N. Y., vol. I, p. 291. Col. Doc, IV, 962. 
Niagara, Fort, building at Lewiston (?) commenced 1720. Col. 

Doc, V, p. 588. 
Niagara, Fort, undermined by the lake. Col. Doc, V, 301. (A. D. 

1755.) 
Niagara, Fort, Seneca cabins, two miles from. Gilbert's narrative, 

p. 28, 71. 
Niagara, Fort, visited by Alex. Henry in June and July, 1764. 

Travels, p. 180-183. 
Niagara, Fort, surrendered to us in June, 1796. Indian treaties, 

vol. I, p. 11. 
Niagara, Fort, visited by Kalm in 1750. Kalm's letter, p. 80. 
Niagara, Fort, Mons. Beaujon commandant in 1712 Kalm's letter, 

p. 81. 
Niagara Fort, intended to be built by the French in 1712, , on or 

near the old fort. Charlevoix, IV, p. 107. 
Niagara, Fort, land washing away in 1751. I Doc. Hist., 283. 
Niagara, Fort, its origin. I Doc. Hist., p. 209-446, described, 

Paris and London Mem. Book, p. 11. 
Niagara, Fort, burned in 1678. Margrj--, II, p. 67. 
Niagara, Fort, its first construction. Margry, II, p. 229. 
Niagara, Fort, "stone house built about 1730 by Mr. Chabbort's 

father." Paris and London Mems., 16. 
Niagara, Fort, first Provincial Parliament met at, Sept. 17, 1792. 

Prorogued, Oct. 15, 1792. Statutes U. C. 
Niagara, Fort, second Provincial Parliament, met at. May 31, 1793. 

Prorogued July 9, 1793. lb. 
Niagara, West (Newark) third I'rovincial Parliament met at, June 

2, 1794. Prorogued July 9, t794. lb. 
Nicolet (Jean), the Sie;ir, visited the N. Western Indians. Rel., 
1639-40. 



INDEX BER UM. 427 

Nicolet (Jean), the Sienr, mentioned. Rel., 1635, p. 147. 
Nicollet, arrived in N. F., in 1618 livi'd 25 years in country and 

drowned. Rel., 1(542-3, p. 8. 
Nicholson, Joseph, Cornplanter's interpreter in Philadelphia. Kite's 

letter to Fillmore, 1863. 
Nioure Bay, Bellin's map of, 1*744. O. H. M. Atlas of maps, No. 

24. Paris and London Mems., p. 22. 
Niaourenre Bay, Letter's map of (?) O. H. M. Atlas of maps, 

No. 31. 
Nivernois Bay, Santhier's map. Sec 1, Doc. II., p. 312 n,, p. 316. 
Noirot, Jesuit, arrived in Canada. I Charlevoix, 249. I Cham- 
plain, 105. 
Noue, Jesuit, arrived in Canada. I Charlevoix, 249. I Champlairij 

105. 
Noue, went to the Huron country in 1626. I Le Clercq, 340. 
Notie, Anne de, account of his being frozen. Rel., 1646, p. 28, Ms. 
Nunda, called Nundow in Gilbert's narrative, p. 97, 98. 
Ontario, Lake, called " Osioego " by the Indians. Indian State 

Papers, vol. I, p. 1 and 2. 
Ontario, Lake, " beautiful lake." Hennepin, p. 17-137. Fr. Ed., 

p. 31. 
Ontario, Lake, Hkanadario. Hennepin, p. 39 and 23. " Very 

beautiful lake," 
Ontario, Lake, so called. Relation, 1653-4, p. 61, and in 1652-3, 

p. 79 and 82, and 1640-1, p. 49. 
Ontario, Lake, called '' Iroquois Lake." lb., p. 61 and 93. Rel., 

1635, p. 121. 
Ontario, Lake, called " St. Loius " formerly, afterwards " Fron- 

tenac,'''' its ancient name is " Ontario " in Huron or Iroquois, 

Charlevoix T. V., p. 287. 
Ontario, Lake, seems to have had no name in 1640, but " Mer douce. 

Rel., 1639-40, p. 130. 
Ontario, Lake, called "• Gataroquoy " formerly. Heriot, p. 145. 

Ontario, Lake, called " Lak^ St. Louis." Rel., 1640-1, p. 49-50, 



428 INDEX RERUM. 

Ontario, Lake, called " Oswego " by the Agoneaseah. McCauley 
K Y., vol. 1, p. 116. Vol. I, Law's U. S., p. 307. 

Ontario, Lake, made known by Father Lambei'ville. Chateau- 
briand, p. 153. 

Ontario, Lake, called '^ Lac des Iroquois" (J) Rel, 1637, p. 22, 
1635, p. 121. Rel., 1653-4, p. 97. 

Ontario, Lake, so called by the Iroquois. Hennepin Fr. El., p. 
24 and vide p. 31. lb. 

Ontario, Lake, Wyandot for Lcclce is " Yoontauray " ? II Am. 
Ant. Coll., 334. 

Ontario, Lake, Wyandot for The Lakes is " Ya)ig-ta-rah." lb., 
vol. I, p. 297. 

Ontario, Lake, Wyandot for Sea is " gon-ta-rouenne." 

Ontario, Lake, called " St. LouU Lake'''' or " Skanadario." Paris 
map of 1688. (N. Y. Lib.) 

Ontario, Lake, called Entouhonorons. Champlain, I, p. 336. 

Ontario, Lake, Ga-da-o'-ka, " A fort iti the water.'''' (Seneca) Morgan, 
p. 414. 

Ontario, Lake, islands at the foot of, Margry, II, p. 20. Paris 
and London Mems , 22. 

Ontario, its derivation. Sec Schoolcraft's Wigwam, p. 302. Wy- 
andot word. 

Ontario, Great Lake "lontare" lake, and "lo" great. 9 Col. 
Doc, 76? 

Ontario, " Gontara " is Lake in Huron. Sagai'd's Huron Die. 

Ontario, Isle Goelaus. Margry, II, p. 85. 

Oak Orchard, called ''' I^i'.a-na>i-hau-se)d." McCauley, vol. I, p. 
119. By Iroquois, see post. 

Oak Orchard Creek, Ga-no-ga-ont (creek passes through village of 
Medina. Dr. W.) ' 

Oak Orchard Creek, called Riviere aux Boeufs. IX Col. Doc , 886. 

Ondaki, Huron word for demons. Rel., 1635, p. 158. 

Ongmarahronons, an Indian nation. Rii\., 1639-40, p. 134. 

Ottawa, see Huattoehronon. Their totem a hare. 3 Charlevoix, 
372. 



INDEX RER UM. 429 

Ontaiahronon Nation. Rel., 1639-40, p. 134. 

Oiiaroronon, a village of the Neuter nation a day's journey from the 

Iroquois. Le Clercq, I, 356. 
Ochateguins, same as Hurons. Champlain, I, p, 217. 
Ontaouonoues. I Charlevoix, p. 286. 
Ossarague, a fishing place among the Mohawks. Rel., 1646, p. 51. 

Ms. " 

Onahe, a Seneca castle a day's journey from Yagerah. Col. Doc, 

V, 528. N. Y. Eng. Ms., vol. 61, p. 157. 
Onaghee, a Seneca castle. Col. Doc, V, p. 542. 
Ontastios, Galinee Ms. journal, p. 30 (13) nation on the Ohio. 
Ossahinta, Clark, I, p. 113-114-121, 

Oneida, no " R " in their language, substitute L for R. School- 
craft's Rep., p. 210. 
Oneida, no "^" in their language. Ill Bancroft, 255. 
Oneida, only one of the Iroquois tribes that use the letter L. Ill 

Bancroft, 255. 
Oneida, their language the softest of the Iroquois. Ill Bancroft, 

255. 
Oneida, or " nation de la Pierre." Rel., 1668-9, p. 30. (Onueiotits). 
Oneida, signifies upright stone. Kirklaud's Memoirs, p. 203. 
Oneida, burnt four female captives of Andastogue. Rel., 1667-8, 

p. 75. 
Oneida, Fort. Paris and London note book, p. 10. 
Oneida castle, called Kunawaloa in their dialect. H. R, S., notes, 

p. 187. 
Oneida castle, " old and new." Sauthier's map. 
Oneida, Lake, its Iroquois name Techtroguen. Jesuits' map of 1664. 
Oneida, Lake, islands in. Campbell's life of Clinton, j3. 65. 

French's Gazeteer, 521. 
Oneida, Lake, twenty miles long. Spafford's Gazeteer, 1824, p. 461' 

Jones' Oneida, 871. 
Oneida village, location of, see Sauthier's map, also I Doc. Hist., p. 

338. Jones' Oneida. 840. 
Oneida village in 1696, a beautiful river one league west of. I Doc. 

Hist., p. 213. 



430 INDEX RER UM, 

Onneioiits, or "nation de la Pierre." Rel, 1668-9, p. 30. 
Onneioiits, a mission among them called S, Francis Xavier. Rel., 

1668-9, p. 37. 
Onneioiits, called Onoiochrbonons. Rel., 1635, p. 164, 
Ondesson, the name of a Huron chief. Rel., 1637-8, p. 8, and 1646, 

p. 23 Ms. 
Ondesson, name of Father Jognes. Rel., 1646, p. 182, Ms. 
Oenrio, a Huron village. Rel., 1635, p. 151. 
Ohex'okouaehronon, an Indian nation, filel., 1639-40, p. 134. 
Oneronon, an Indian nation. Rel., 1639-40, p. 134. 
Oneouare and Oreouare, Iroquois chief mentioned. II Le Clercq, 

p. 384-405. 
Oneugiore, a Mohawk bourg (eastermost). Rel., 1646, p. 52, Ms. 
Osserion, a Mohawk bourg (eastermost). Rel., 1646, p. 52, Ms. 
Oswego Falls, stockaded fort at, on east side of river, opposite 

portage. Saw mill on east side. Mary Rocque's Phuis, No. 27. 

State Library. 
Oswego Falls, Ahaonete. Clark's Onondaga, vol. I, p. 147. 
Oswego, called Schoegen. Paris notes, p. 67. 
Oswego, besieged by Montcalm. Paris notes, p. 84. 
OsM^egatchie, written " Chouegatchi " by Pouchot, II, 254, et passim. 

Col. Doc, X, p. 197-203. 
Oioguen, see Cayuga. 
Oki, great spirit. Rel., 1637-8, p. 21. 

Ohio, called by the Iroquois "Hohio." Hennepin, p. 29, 13. 
Ohio, means in Seneca " the fine river.'''' Harris tour, p. 104. 
Ohio, called by the French " ^a helle riviere.''^ Harris tour, p. 104. 
Ohio, called by the Delawares " Alleghany.'''' Hai-ris tour, p. 104. 
Ohio, called and spelled by Hennepin " Hoio.'" BY Ed., p. 25. 
Ohio, means " bloody." White woman, p. 37. 
Ohio, called by the Senecas Oh-hi'-yuh. Wright's mental elevator, 

p. 75 and 109. 
Ohio or Hohio, signifies the fair river. State of the British and 

French colonies in Am., p. 107. 
Ohio, Ohioge, " ^ la riviere." Bmyas' Dictionary, p. 23, 



INDEX RER TIM. 431 

Ohio, called " OHghin-cipon " (Allegany) by the Ottawas. Margry, 

II, p. 80 and 243. Navigable to neur the Senecas. 
Ohio, its rise three days' journey from Sonnontouan. I Margiy, 117. 
Ohio River, names of its confluents. Margry II, p. 196. 
Ohio River, called Oio, Margry, II, p. 274. Baudrane, lb., p. SO-140. 
Ohio River, way by the, to the west, found by La Salle. lb., 79-82. 

vide IV, p. 527. 
Onnieoute, depopulated and repeopled by the Mohawks. Rel., 

1646, p. 12. Ms. 
Oiogue, the name of a river in the Mohawk country. Rel., 1646, 

p. 51. Ms. 
Oiinipeg, stinking water. Rel., 1659-60, p. 48. 
Oiinipigouek, grand baie de lac des Hurons. Rel., 1659-60, p. 43. 

Why so called. lb., Ms., p. 53. 
Otiatannehengu^, a fine fishery, 90 leagues, east of Onondaga ? 

Rel., 1656-7, p. 37. 
Oil Spring, Ga-nos'. " Oil in water.'''' 
Oil Spring, Relation, 1657, p. 33. Canada Ed. 
Oil Spring, Tga-nohs. Dr. Wilson to C D. M., Sept. 11, 1862. 
Oil, curious in Seneca country. 2 IsT. Y. Doc. Hist., 510. 
Outinoouataona, Indian village. Galine^ Ms. journal, p. 36. Cartes 

de Canada, 1777. 
Outoouaganha, Rel., 1673-9, p. 189 (Shea's). 
Otihatangue, mouth of Salmon river, village there. Rel., 1656, p. 

9. (Ontiahantagu^), p. 11. 
Otiatannheguen, mouth of Salmon river. Map. Rel., 1665, j). 12. 
Otihanegue, different from Cahihonouague. De Lisle's map. O. 

H, M. Cartes, No. 22. 
Oriskany, fields ten miles from Ft. Stauwix. Paris and London 

note book, p. 9. 
Otkon, in Seneca Ot-goh. Bruyas'Dic, p. 120. Dr. Wilson's letter 

Aug. 15, '63. I Duniot, p. 264. Hennepin, N. D., p. 100. 
Otondiata, embouchure of the St. Lawrence, point at, Jesuits' map, 

1665, p. 12. 
Oyo. I Margry, 596. 



432 INDEX EER UM. 

Onondaga, Conrad Weiser yisited June 6, 1745. 4 Penn. R., 778. 
Onondaga, means a " swamp under or at the foot of a hill.'''' N. Y. H. 

Coll., p. 389. New work. 
Ononda.eca, French mission to, under Le Mercler. Rel., 1656-7, 

p. 80. 
Onondaga, adopted seven different nations. Rel., 1656-7, p. 136. 
Onondaga, mission of Ste, Marie at- Rel., 1657-8, p. 12. 
Onondaga villages, Upper and Lower. Zeisberger, 190. 
Onondaga village on Buffalo creek, 28 good cabins in 1791. Indian 

State Papers, vol. I, p. 159. 
Onondaga, Lake, called by the Senecas " 0-jik-heh-doh " from 
" 0-jik-heb-dah." Salt. Mrs. Asher Wright's letter of Dec. 
19, 1878. 
Onondaga, Lake, called " Gan-on-do-a'''' by the Indians. H. R. S. 

p. 225. Report. 
Onondaga, Lake, six miles long, average one mile wide. Dewitt's 

map of 1802. Spafford's Gazeteer, 1824, p. 461. 
Onondaga, Lake, its Iroquois name Gannentaa. Jesuits' map, 1664, 

Charlevoix, V, 316. Rel., 1659-60, p. 122. 
Onondagas, means " Mountaineers." La Fiteau, I, p. 43. 
Oiiondagas, styled " Oae-dcbugh-ga-haugh-ga " " People of the 

valley.'''' Macauley, II, p. 185. 
Onondagas, or '•'■people of the mountains.'''' Hennepin, F. Ed., p. 42. 
Onondagas, or "nation de la Montague." Rel., 1668-9, p. 37. 

(Onnontague). 
Onondagas, called Onontaerrhonons. Rel., 1635, p. 164. 
Onondagas, brothers of Senecas and fathers of Cayugas and Oneidas. 

Rel., 1656-7, p. 136. 
Ononjote, Oneidas depopulated and repeopled by Mohawks. Rel., 

1644-5, p. 112. 
Onnouhouaroia, a kind of carnival among Oneidas. Rel., 1656-7, 

p. 173. 
Ononwayea, Johnson's landing. Indian State Papers, vol. I, p. 1. 
Ochelaga, Montreal. Rel., 1642, p. 36. 

Onnontiogas, Rel., 1672-3, p. 109 (Neuters and Hurons) at Tson- 
nontoua. 



INDEX RER UM. 



433 



Onnontio, its raeaniii.^ and derivation. Charlevoix, V, 436. I, p. 

350. Relatiou, 1040-1, p. 77. 
Onnontio, beautiful mountain. Hennepin, vol. II, p. I3i. 
Onnontae, from Onnonta, mountain. Piel., 16.5 7-8, p. 33.' 
Onontae, or as some pronounce it Onontague. lieL, 1656, p. 7. 
Onnontague, or Nation de la Montague. Rel., 1668-9, p.'37. 
Onnoutague, a mission there called Saint Jean Baptiste ' Rel 

1668-9, p 37. ' 

Ossossarie, y^•c?e '^ Sainte Marie "" Ossossane." Kel 1637-8 p 52 
1639-40, p. 42. ' ' ^- • 

Oscouarahronon Nation mentioned. Rel., 1639-40, p. 134. 

Onohoghkwage, chief village of the Mohawks in 1764. Memoirs of 
Kirkland, p. 157. 

Onoongwandekha, famous chief amolig the Seuecas in 1765. Kirk- 
land's Memoirs, p. 175. 

Onongwadeka, famous chief among the Senecas in 1765. Kirkland's 
Memoirs, p. 193. 

Ogonse, the name of an Ottawa chief. Indian Treaties p 115 
(1805). ' ^* 

Ogouse, the name of an Ottawa chief. Indian Treaties p 139 

(1807). ^' ' 

Otoiiacha, village of tlie Hurons. Champlain, I, p. 326 vide Toanche. 
Ondoutaoiiakeronnon, people of the North. Rel., 1642-3, p. 115. 
Oanontcharonnons, or Iroquet nation. Charlevoix I, Eno-' Ed 174 

V, Fr. Ed , 162. Rel, 1647. p. 244. o , • 

Onoudaeronnons, Rel., 1646, p. 54. 
Onontchalarouons, ancestors of, formerly inhabited Isle of Montreal 

etc, Rel., 1646, p. 13. ' 

Ouisconsin, R. Margry, II, p. 249. 
Ouisconsin, Iroquois orthography. La Fiteau, I, 124 V Mar^rv 

II, 249. Mesconsing. ' ^' 

Ouisconsin, so called by the Iroquois and Misconsin by the' Alaon- 
kins. lb. '^ 

Ouendat Nation. Rel., 1639-40, p. 134 vide Y.e. 

Outreoithati, an Onondaga chief. Charlevoi.^, vol. 2, p. m vide 
H-o. 

55 



434 INDEX RERTIM. 

Ours, Nation des, alluded to. Rel., 1637-8, p. 66. 

Ours, Nation des. or Attignaoantans. Rel., 1640-1. Table of con- 
tents. 
Ours, Nation des, or Alinniaouenton. Rel., 1648-9, p. 40. 
Outagamis, commonly called Renards or Foxes. Charlevoix, IV, 

p. 94. V, p. 277. 
Outagamis, defeated at Detroit in 1712. Charlevoix, 4, p. 94. 
Outr^-ouhati, autrement dit Grand Gueule ? Belmont, p. 28. 
Ounontisaston, a village of the Neuter Nation. Le Clercq, I, p- 358. 
Ouescharini Nation or country mentioned. Charaplain, I, p. 274. 
Ousaki and mission of Ousakiouek. Rel., 1636-7, p. 77, p. 101. 

Rel, 1670-1, p. 94 and p. 155. 
Outagaraiouek, Rel., 1666-7, p. 77, 101 (Mission). 1670-1, p. 150 
Outaonasinagouc, Rel., 1666-7, p. 80. (Mission.) 
Outehibouce, Sauteifi-s. Rel, 1666-7, p. 119. 
Ourasera, name of Father Julien Garnier in Seneca land. Rel., 

1670-1, p. 77. 1671, p. 21. 
Oracha, name of Father Charles Garnier. Rel., 1642, p. 89. 
Oumaloumines river, or "foUe avoine." Rel., 1670-1, p. 94. 
Ouiebitchioiiau, mission at isle of. Rel., 1670-1, p. 118. 
Oumamj, Rel., 1670-1, p. 168. 
Ousaki, lb., p. 155. 
Outagami, lb., p. 185. 

Outaouacs (Otawas). Rel., 1670-1, passim. 
Ozoondah, Seneca name of a fish (white fish). Gilbert's narrative, 

p. 14. 
Ouentouoronons, Champlaiu, Canada Ed., vol. II, p. 1127 bottom. 
Oueuronronons, Bressani, p. 166. Ouenro nation. ReL, 1672. 

(Shea's), p. 112. I Duniol, p. 66. 
Ouabache, Ouabanchi, Aramoui. II Mai-gry, 245. 
" Playing " in Indian parlance means " hunting." Indian State 

Papers, vol. I, p. 160. 
Prairies, River of the, origin of this name. Rel., 1639-40, p. 129, 
*' Pauoitigouerenhak," habitans du Sault, Rel., 1642, p. 164. 



INDEX BER UM. 435 

Parhelie, described. Rel., 1670-1, p. 150. 

Pai'ish, Jasper, biographical notice of. Stone's Red Jacket, p. 415. 

Parish, Jasper, account of his capture. Miner's Wyoming, p. 470. 

Parish, Jasper, at Detroit in 1793. Savery's Journal, p. 344. 

Parish, Jasper, sick at Winternut's tavern in 1793. lb., p. 346. 

Parish, Jasper, appointed standing interpreter, May, 1792, at $200 
per annum. Pickei'ing's letter to Parish. 

Pawling, Jesse, at Ft. Niagara in 1780. Gilbert's Narrative, p. 26. 

Pawling, Jesse, an officer at Ft. Niagara. Narrative^ of Gilbert 
F., 74. 

Platon, La. Stone's Johnson, II, 447. 

Parish Tract, 20th Aug., 1802. 

Prairie du Chien, journal of Capt. Thos. G. Anderson, British Com- 
mander from Aug. 10, 1814 to Nov. 28, '14. U. C. Hist. Soc. 

Pas Commun, Champlain, 296. 

Plage "beach." Margry II, p. 529. 

Plage, Champlain, 117. 

Pain, Pt. au. Paris and London Mems., p. 22. 

Peoria, Fort, situated on the west bank of Illinois and foot of Lake 
Peoria. P. Kennedy's Journal, p. 5 7. 

Perrot, Nicholas, went from Green Bay to Chicago in 1670. Ban- 
croft, III, p. 154. 

Perrot, Nicholas, see Charlevoix on page 234, vol. 2. 3 Char., 419. 

Perrot, Nicholas, interpreter. Le Clercq, II, p. 585. 

Petun, Nation of, lived on southeast side of Lake Huron, destroyed. 
Paris map of 1673. (N. Y., No. 10). 

Petun, Nation of, Rel., 1637-8, p. 6, 25, orKhinontatchronons. Rel. 
1640-1, Contents. Rel., 1640-1, p. 216. Rel., 1641, p. 39. 
1653-4, p. 44. 1648-9, p. 91-2-104. 

Petun, Nation of, spoke the Huron language. Rel., 1653-4, p. 44. 

Petun, Nation of, left their country and went to Lac des puants. 
Rel, 1653-4, p. 45. 

Petun, Nation of, visited by Dallion in 1626. Le Clercq, I, p. 348. 

Petun, Nation of^ see Tionnontatez, and V, Chnrlevoix, p. 393 and 
Khiontatehrouon. 



436 INDEX RERUM. 

Petun, Nation of, remains of, found southwest of Lake Superior. 

Rei., 1659-60, p. 61. 
Petun, Nation of, visited by Champlain in 1616. Chaniplain, I, 

p. 355. 
Petun, missions established among. Rel., 1642, p. 132. 
Petun, destruction of one of their villages by Iroquois. Rel., 

1649-50, p. 25. 
Pelleterie, Madame, embarked for France, May 4, 1639. Le Clercq, 

II, 35. 
Pennsylvania, W., line under Penn's Charter. I Indian Treaties, 

p. 353. 
Penicant, Relation. See Paris notes, p. 38. 
Pemitoni, Margry, 2, p. 37-48. 
Pleasant Mount, on Niagara river below the falls. London and 

Paris Mems., p. 12. 
Pelee, L'isle, so called from being stripped of timber. Charlevoix, 

VI, 145. 
Penetanguishene, burial pits near at the following places. Near St. 

Vincent, copijer kettles, etc., mixed with bones. One in town- 
ship Ging, seven miles from Penetanguishene with French 

articles in it and one two miles north of above. Another in 

Tp. of Oeo. Another in 2d Concession W of Pn road Ging Tp. 
Pierron, Jesuit Father v/ent Avith the Iroquois. L. Ed., V, IV, p. 

28. (Trans., p. 85). 
P.erron, left for the Iroquois in 1667-8, p. 14, Ryl. Rel, 1673-9. 

Lenox, p. 140 and p. 204. 
Pierron, Pere Jean, visited Tinnioutogaen, Oct. 7, ]668. Rel., 

1668-9, p. 2. 
Pijart, Father, arrived in N, France. Rel, 1635, p. 91 and 97. 
Pijart, Claude, Pere, was with Nippissiuniens from April to Sept., 

1642. Rel, 1642-3, p. 129. Rel., 1642, p. 170. 
Pijart, Claude, Pere, wintered with Algonkins. Rel., 1665-6, p. 

102, Ms. 
Pittsburgh, its Indian name Dya'-on-de-gah. Wright's Spelling 

Book, p. 62. 



INDEX RJEE UM. 437 

Pimiteoiii, Lake, on the Illinois about seven leagues long (signifying 

place of fat beasts). 2 Le Clercq, p. 153. 
Pictures of hell and the judgment exhibited by AUouez at du Saint 

Esprit. Rel., 1666-7, p. 63. 
Pine, inner bark of, used to prevent famine. Rel., 1671, p. 115. 

(Quebec, 32.) 
Pickering, Col., his Indian name in Onondaga " Connisauty " or 

Co-ne-sau-tu. 
Pfister, resident at Albany, contractor with StCv.'iman. Schenectady 

letter, Jan. 12, 1771. 
Pfister, see Be Peyster, "Mr. and Mrs. Pfister." Paris and London 

Mems., p. 20-25. 
Pfister, Francis. Paris and London Mems., p. 35 and p. 32 and 18. 
Pierce, Maris B., ludian name is,Ha-dya'-no-doh. The fast runner. 

See letter of Pierce, Feb. 7, 1874. 
Pierce, Maris B., died August, 1874. Letter of Rav. A. Wright, 

Aug. 11, 1874. 
Pisors Bay. Loudon and Paris Mems., p. 27. 
Porcelain, Indian, description of. La Hoatan, vol. I, p, 48, Fr. 
Porcelain, Indian, description of. Charlevoix, vol. V, p. 308 Fr. 

I, p. 318 English. 
Portages described. Rel., 1635, p. 121. (Of canoes, Rel., 1664-5, 

p. 52). 
Poullain, Guillaume, his capture among the Iroquois alluded to. I, 

Le Clercq, 219. 
Poullain, Guillaume, passed some time among the Hurons. Le 

Clercq, I, p. 345. 
Porc-Epi or Huron nation. V, Charlevoix, 393. 
Pouteatimi at Sault? Rel,, 1642, p. 165. Mission Rel., 1666-7, p. 

85. Rel., 1670-1, p. 94. 
Pouteatimi, Rel., 1670-1, p. 155. 
Pouchot, commandant at JSTiagara, his Indian name " Sategario- 

uaen^'' meaning " le milieu des bonnes affaires." Pouchot's 

Memoires, vol. I, p. 10 and 30 and 62 and 178. 
Pond, a pond west of Genesee river and north of Canawagus " Ye- 

nah-de-oh-gwas-thah,^'' the place where people go to dig clay. 



438 INDEX BERUM. 

" Clay diggins " from Ye-noh-gwas-thah, diggins, and 0-nah- 

daah, clay. Dr. Wilson. 
Pond (Horse Shoe), a pond on the east side of the Genesee river, 

north of Avon called Nyiu-dao-gwa-doh, Crooked Lake, from 

Ot-giod-doh, crooked or tortuous, Ga-nyiu-ddeh. Lake. In a 

cedar swamp ? 
Pollard, (Capt.), Ka-o-un-do-wand, the great tree, his Seneca name. 

Stone's Red Jacket, p. 305-323. 
Pollard, (Capt.), Indian chief, died April 10, 1841, of consumption. 

A. Wright. 
Pollard, (Capt.), was son of a person living at Ft. Niagara. Con- 

jockety. 
Pollard, (Capt.), his father's Indian name was Sha-go-di-yot-hah, 

a man .who incites them to fighV Conjockety. 
Pollard, (Capt.) John, Kaouudoowand. Stone's Life of Brandt, 

vol. I, p. 342. 
Pollard, (Capt.) John, succeeded Farmers Brother. N. J. Strong's 

letter, Dec. 18, 1865. 
Pollard, John, Go-o-do-wa-ne, Big Tree. M. P. Pierce letter, Feb. 

7, '74. 
Pollard, John, Ga'ondowanah, " Big Tree," etc., see A. Wright's 

letter of Dec 15, '74. 
Pollard, John (son of Edward), preparing for small pox. Schen- 
ectady letter, Aug. 15, 1774. 
Pollard, Edward, father of Belle Montour. Merritt's Ms. 
Pollard, Edward, senior, and junior and Robert. E. Pollard's letter, 

March 2 7, 1780. 
Pollard, Edward, father of Belle, John, Rowland Montour. E. 

Pollard's letter, March 27, 1780. 
Pollard, Edward, Pollard had two sons at Schenectady Ned and 

Robert and Miss Nancy. Schenectady letters, Jan. 4, 1772. 
Pollard, Mrs., mentioned. Schenectady letters, March 30, 1771. 
Pollard, Sutler at Fort Niagara in 1767. Schenectady letters Dec. 

17, 1767. 
Pollard, a trader at Fort Niagara. Hudson's Schenectady letters, 

passim. 



INDEX BUR UM. 439 

Powell, (Capt.), at Fort Ningara in 1780. Gilbert's narrative, p. 26. 
Powell, (Capt.), at Buffalo creek in 1791. Indian State Papers, 

vol. I, p. 157. 
Powell, Jane. Letter from Ft. Niagara to Jas. Bennett, Little 
Niagara, Dec. 10,1781. Merritt's Ms. See Gilbert's narrative, 
p. 189-190. 
Powell, IL, Watson, commandant at Ft. Niagara in 1781, Mer- 
ritt's Ms. 
Powell, Col., commandant at Ft. Niagara in 1778. Schoolcraft 

vol. Ill, 334. 
Powell, John, married a Miss Tallmadge of Conn., who died before 

he left Boston. 
Powell, daughter of Wm. Drummond Powell, C. J. of U. Canada, 
lost in the Albion, April 22, 1822. Niece of Miss Powell the 
journalist. Scadding, p. 57. 
Poudre, Monsieur, grandson of one of Montcalm's generals. Alden's 

Missions, p. 59. 
Poudre, was at council at Tonawanda. Alden's Missions, p. 59 and 

106. 
Poudre, lived at Cashong. Barton's Lecture Y. M. Association, 
Poudre, Lewis, mother was a Tonawanda squaw (son of M. Poudr^). 

Alden's Missions, p. 106, 
Poudery, at Tonawanda. Turner's H. Purchase, 315. 
Poudrit, mentioned by Liancourt, vol. 2, p. 2 and Maude. 
Portage on Niagai-a river in 1768, described. London and Paris 

Mems., p. 16. 
Porter, P. B., his Indian name Conashustah. Johnson's Erie Co., 

p. 235. 
Pommes, R. aux, at Portland, Chautauqua Co. Ms., map, 1749, by 
le Rev. P. Bonnecamps, Jesuit Mathematicien Rue de L'Uni- 
versite. 
Portland, river at. See above. 
Pompey, Indian name Ote-ge-ga-ja-ke, open plain or prairie. II 

Clark, 273, 
Pointing, Lieut., of the Royal Americans, commanded Ft. Erie in 
1768. London and Paris Mems., p. 21. 



440 INDEX RER UM. 

Puans, origin and meaning of the name. Charlevoix, V, 431. ReL, 

1670-1, p. 155. 
Puans, Green Bay. Kel., 16'70-1, p. 93. Mission at. lb., p. 155. 
Puans, Green Bay Islands at mouth occupied by Hurons. Rel., 

1670-1, p. 93. 
Puans, Green Bay, visit to. Rel, 1670-1, p. 162. 
Puans, people called Puans, exterminated almost by Illinois. lb., 

1670-1, p. 155. 
Puante, Riviere, meaning of its name. Charlevoix, V, p. 162. 
Quebec, founded by Champlain, July 3, 1608. Charlevoix, VI, p. 

355. 
Quebec, the derivation of its name. lb. lb. lb. 
Quebec (in Mohawk) De-ka-doe-da-ri-/<;o?i!/i meaning opposite points 

in the river nearly touching each other. Isaac Barefoot. 
Quiennontateronons, an Indian nation in Canada. Sagard Voyage, 

p. 307. 

Quinte Bay called Couis. I Doc. Hist. Tryon's map. 
Quinte Bay, its extent and description. Caniff's Canada, 383. 
Quinte Bay, its extent and description. Bouchett's Canada, 603. 
Quinaouatoua, west end L. Ontario, Ms. map, 1688. Paris O. H. M. 

Bellini's map of, 1755. N. Y. S. Library. 
Quaris, Fort. Documentary Hist, K Y., vol. I, p. 339. '• Kouari." 
Qaieuindahian village, mentioned by Sagard, Journal, p, 83. O. 

H, M, Ms. 
Quohock, Quonock or Quonook. Romer's map of 1700. Col. D., 

IV, pp. 799-805-809. 
Quagintana, Paris and London Mems,, p. 25. 

Rafeix, Peter, Pere, with Garnier at Tegarondies. Hennepin, p. 81. 
Raffeix, Peter, Pere, at Conception, July, 1672 (?) Rel., 1672-3, 

108. 
Raffeix, Peter, Pere, Bourg de Sonnontonan. Rel., 1673-9. Re- 
print, p. 140. 
Raffeix, Peter, Pere, at Sonnontonan in 1675. Rel., 1673-9, Lenox, 

p. 195. 
Raymbault, Charles, died Oct. 22, 1642 and buried with Champlain" 

Rel., 1642-3, p. 7. 



INDEX RERTIM. 441 

Raymbault, planned a journey to China across the continent but 

God sent him on the road to heaven. Rel., 1642-3, 271. 
Rattlesnake Island, Ga-we-nis (in Niag. river). Conjockety, June. 

1864. 
Ramsay, David, his narrative. Campbell's travels, p. 226. 
Raraghenhe, an outlet to Oneida Lake, Hough's treaties, 122n. 
Repentigny, Sieur de. Rel , 1664-5, p. 28. 

Recollets, called Otchitagons or barefoots by the Senecas. I Hen- 
nepin, p. 223. 
Recollets, called Chitagons. I Le Clercq, 227. 
Recollets, settled in Canada in 1615. Le Clercq, I, p. 53, vide Le 

Caron. 
Recollets, four, to wit : Le Caron, D'Olbeau, Du Plessis and Jamay 

went to Canada in 1615. Le Clercq, I, p. 56. Charlevoix, 

I, 237. 
Recollets, embarked Sept. 9, 1629 from Quebec after it was taken 

by the English and landed in Plymouth. Le Clercq, I, 410-1. 
Recollets, their return to Canada denied. Le Clercq, I, p. 458 

(A. D. 1637). 
Recollets, their glory to have been the precursers of the Jesuits. 

Le Clercq, I, 468. 
Recollets, accompanied Columbus on his discoveries. Le Clercq, 

I, 472 and 474. 
Recollets, the early extent of their missions. lb. lb. lb., & 528. 
Recollets, embark July 15, 1869, to re-establish their missions in 

Canada and were shipwrecked near Lisbon and returned to 

Province. Le Clercq, II, 87. 
Recollets, embarked again for Canada May, 1670, to wit : Gabriel 

de la Ribourde, Simple Landon, Hilarion Guesniu, etc. Le 

Clercq, II, 91. 
Recollets, accompany La Salle. Le Clercq, II, 140. 
Recollets, their hai-dships in traveling, etc. Hennepin, II, p, 15. 
Recollets, called by the Mohawks " Hondasitagou " naked feet, 16. 

Report N. Y. S. Cabinet, p. 22. 
Recollets, why excluded from Canada. I Charlevoix, 277-9. 
Recollets, first embarkation for Canada. Le Clercq, 51. 
56 



442 INDEX RERUM. 

Recollets, embark with the English for England, Sept. 14, 1629. 

Le Clercq, I, 411. 
Rene, a Frenchman captured by the Iroquois. Rel., 1664-5, p. 94. 
Rees, David, came to Buffalo in 1804. Granger's deposition. 
Rees, David, came to Buffalo in 1804. Gi-auger's letter, June 1, 

1804. 
Remouiller, lettre historique. Paris notes, p. 35. 
Red Jacket, died Jan. 20, 18.*<1. Inscription on Red Jacket's hatchet 

in possession of Dr. Wilson. (Wrong, he died in 1830.) 
Red Jacket, Shagdyewathah, correct orthography and copied from 

hatchet. 
Red Jacket, first name Ho-wuh-sa-da-di " He is aimed at." Wilson. 

'•^ He is presented before a heaver dam.'''' Blacksmith. 
Red Jacket, second name flo-d^h-syo-ni, " He is taking am." (V, 

Turner's Ontario, etc., p. 483). 
Red Jacket, third name Sha-go-ye-wat-hah, " He is in the habit of 

keeping them awake.'''' Wilson. 
Red Jacket, fourth name H6-ah-g\va-geh-det, from " Ga-ah-gicah'''' 

and " ho-geh-det" he is carrying the " Gd-ah-gwah " on his 

back? being suspended ??? " Ga-ah-gxoah'"' was of wampum 

beads made round, which was an ornament, and was usually 

worn in front. 
Red Jacket, " Sagdh Jiewatha " " A Young Buffalo Chief,'''' met (at 

Geneva) by Mr. S. Kirkland. October 4, 1788. K Y. S. Lib. 

Ms. Journal, Rev. S. Kirkland. 
Red Jacket, alluded to by Mr. Kirkland in 1788. Turner's Monroe, 

p. 117. 
Red Jacket, sketch of his life, death and funeral. Minnie Myrtle, 

p. 196. 
Red Jacket, never a Sachem, only a chief. N. Y. Hist. Mag., vol. 

X, p. 125. 
Rhierrhonons Nation. Rel., 1635, p. 164 (Eries ?) 
Richelieu, Island of, its Indian name Ka. Ouapassiniskakhi. Eel., 

1635, p. 62. 
Ribourde, Gabriel de la. In Illinois with Tonti in 1680. Char., 

It 272. 



INDEX BER UM. 44 3 

Rice, wild, mode of gathering it. Rel., 1662-3, p. 104. 

Robeson, Oapt., Gilbeit's narrative, p. 26. At Fort Niagara in 1780. 

Rocky River, Illinois, so called from " Le Rocher " or Rock fort 

map of 16Y3. Paris (N. Y., No. 10). 
Rock River, plan of fort on. Paris notes, p. 51. Sept., 1730. 

Fox R. (?) 
Rock, Fort, in Illinois. Col. Doc, IX, \^. 890. 
Rock Bass, old negro on Cornelius Creek, " O-gah'-gvvaah'." 
Rock, the Great Rock, located on W. side Niag. R., at foot of ridge. 
Roque, De La, Abbe, his chronological errors. Le Clercq, I, 522. 
Rontaks, Hurons so called by the Iroquois (?) La Fiteau, III, p. 8 1. 
Rome, Theaoguin? Col. Doc, X, 155. Theyaoguin. 

Pownal's map, vol. II, No. 1 1 . 
Rouguenhas, Galinee Ms. journal, p. 9. (Hennepin, 47.) Galin^e. 

lb., p. 6, " On Ohio," see Tonaganna. Index Relations. 
Ronnon, a National termination, Bruyas' Die, p. 18. In Hm'on 

Quebec Hist, Soc, II, p. 189. 
Romer, Col., expedition to Onondaga. N. Y. Col. Doc, IV, 717 

and 802. 
Romer's map,- Col, of 1700. Paris and London Mems, p. 30. 
Rogers, Major, noticed in 1768. Paris and London Mems., p. 16. 
Salmon Trout, Seneca name, Skah-wa-d-waah. Dr. Wilson's letter 

July 14, '54. 
Sacharissa, William Chew, a Tuscarora chief. Case of Seneca 

Indians, p, 102. 
St. Clair, General, his defeat at Miami village. Campbell's travels, 

p. 377, 
Salt, four leagues from Cayuga village. Col. Doc , III, p. 251. 
Sauthier's (Claude Joseph), map 1779. End of I Doc Hist, of N. Y. 
"By order of Wm. Tryon " vide Paris and London Mems., 
p. 43. 
Saint James, twice as large as St. Michel. Duniol, I, p. 64, p. 271. 

Shea Rel., 1672-3, 110. 
Saint Michel, Duniol, I, p. 64, 271. Mission founded by Frerain in 
1688. Rel., 1668, p. 32. Shea Rel., 1672-3, p. 110. 



444 INDEX RER UM. 

Saint Michel, bourg of, among Senecas. Rel., 1659-60, p. 141, Ms., 

56. Rel., 1650-1, p. 17. 1656-7, p. 166. 
Saint Michel, in Seneca country. Rel, 1670-1, p. 71. 
Saint Michael, in the country of the Senecas, was in the ancient 

country of the Hurons. " Que nous appellions de St. Michel 

clans I'ancien pays des Hurons lors que la guerre des Iroquois 

le desola en I'annee 1649." Relation, 1667-8, p. 165. 
Saint Jean Baptiste, mission at Onnontaqu6. I Duniol, p. 256. 
Saint Louis, Fort (Starved Rock). Margry, II, p. 169-248. I 

Margry, 613. 
Saint Louis, Illinois villages on N. side. Margry II, p. 122-175-248. 
Salmon River, Oeiatonnehengue. Rel., 1656, p. 36. 
Salmon River. 1st Salmon R., 2d Little Sandy, 3d the Pond, next 

big Sandy, etc. lb. 
Salmon Creek, don't enter far into the interior. III^ Pouchot, 123. 
Sayenquaraghta, Seneca chief. Col. Doc, VIII, p. 424. 
Stanwix, Fort, now Rome. Paris notes, p. 73. London and Paris 

note book, p. 9. 
Stanwix, Fort, notices of. Paris and London Mem. book, p. 42. 
Stanwix, Fort, treaty at in 1784, account of. Taylor Ohio, p. 425. 
Stanwix, Fort, treaty at in 1768. Col. Doc, vol. 8, p. 111. 
Stanwix, Fort, subsequently called Ft. Schuyler. I Indian Treaties, 

p. 198. 
Salt Springs in Iroquois country. I Margry, p. 466. 
Salt Springs, of Onondaga, alluded to by Marquette. Hennepin, 

voL II, p. 198. 
Saut Sainte Marie, Saulteurs, their Indian name very difficult to pro- 
nounce (Charlevoix, Nouv., Fr., I, 361). 
Saut Sainte Marie, Saulteurs originally called Patrouiting Dach- 

Irini. Heriot, p. 194. Ed. 1807. 
Saulteurs invite the Jesuits in A. D. 1642, Charlevoix, vol. I, p. 361, 
Sandy River on south side of Lake Erie, or riviere des sables, called 

Ganientaraguat. Paris map of 1673 (No. 10, N. Y.). 
Sagamite, mentioned. Rel., 1635, p. 159. La Fiteau, III, p. 79, 

Le Clercq, I, p. 74-252. 



INDEX RJEE UM. 445 

Sagamit^, mentioned. Rel., 1633, p. lY, vie de Chaumonot, p. 53. 
Sagamite or Sagimiteon means " de Veau on du hrouet chandP Rel., 

1633, p. 17. 
Sainte Marie, Aux Huron, composed of two bourgs, St. Joseph or 

Teanasteixe and Conception or Ossossarie in 1638. Rel., 1 639-40, 

p. 42. R., 1637-8, p. 52. 
Sainte Marie, its description. Rel., 1639-40, p. 43. Abandoned. 

Rel., 1648-9, p. 105. 
Sainte Marie, Isle of, alluded to. Rel., 1650-1, p. 18-19. 
Sainte Marie, mission of at Onondaga. Rel., 1657-8, p. 104 Ms. or 

12 Liber. 
Sainte Marie, mission of at the Saut described. Rel., 1670-1, p. 88. 
Scahentoarrhonons Nation. Rel., 1635, p. 164. 
Small Pox, among the Iroquois in 1663. Charlevoix^ II, p. 134. 

Rel., 1664-5, p. 101. 
Small Pox, among the Onondagas in 1662. Rel., 1661-2, p. 64, 

Ms., p. 51. 
Shawanese, their language Algonkin and allied to the Kickapoos. 

Gov. Cass quoted in Miner's History of Wyoming, p. 35 n. 
Shawnese, Shavvnese and Kickapoos probably composed the Eries, 

lb. lb. 
Shawnese, fled from Cherokee Nation. lb. lb. 
Shawuese (?) called Nation du chat by Sagard in 1682 (?) lb. lb. 
Sagosendagete, Onondaga chief. La Fiteau, vol. Ill, p. 159. Rel.. 

1653-4, p. 36 and 47. Rel., 1656-7, p. 58. 
Saiute Claire, Lake, " Otsiketa " on Lewis Evans' map of 1755. 
Sainte Claire, Lake, Oialinantchiketo. Pai'is notes, p. 40. 
Salle, La, his death March 19, 1687, described. Le Clercq, vol. II, 

p. 340. 
Salle, La, his discoveries noticed. Went to France in 1677. Le 

Clercq, II, 139. 
Salle, La, discovers the mouth of the Mississippi April 9, 1682. Le 

Clercq, II, 236. 
Sagar, Grabriel, embarked for Canada April, 1623, and arrived at 

Quebec in fifty-five days. I Le Clercq, 246. Left Paris March 

18, 1624 on foot for Dieppe, Sagard Journal, 



446 INDEX BEBUM. 

Sagar, went to the Hurons with P. Nicholas Viel in 1623. I, Le 

Clei-cq, 246. 
Sagochiendagesit6, Royal Chief at Onondaga. ReL, 1656-7, p. 126. 

Fr. Ed., p. 38. Shea's Gath. missions, 242. Rel., 1670, p. 46, 
Saint Esprit, Bay of. Latitude 30° and longitude 280. Rel., 

1659-60, p. 47. 
Sagarao, corruption from Acadia, means "Captain." Rel., 1633, 

p. 36. Sagamo, true word is Oukhimau. lb. 
Sault, de Ste. Marie, visited by Jogues and Raimbault in 1642. 

Rel., 1642, p. 165. 
Sachiendoiiau, a Seneca chief, died at Montreal. Rel., 1663-4, p. 

135. 
Saint Jean. Rel., 1650, p. 4. 
Sagard, extracts from his journal. O. H. M. Ms. 
Sagard, visited the Nipissings in 1624. Col. Doc, IX, p. 160. 
Squaw Island, Ye-o-dut-o-tah, " meadow island " name derived from 

grass. Conjockety, June, 1864. K T. Strong. 
' Squaw Island, used to wade from main shore to. lb. lb. lb. 
Squaw Island, De-dyo-we-nc^-guh-doh, a divided island. Conjockety. 

A. Wright's Orthography. 
Squaw Island, Seneca name " 0-6-oh-gwah." Bulrushes. Black- 
smith. Dr. Wilson's Orthography. 
Sandusky, Ostandousket. Col. Doc, 151. 
Sandusky, Jah-nos-geh. 
Sandytown, near Buffalo. Yo-dd-mjuh-gwcih " Fishing place loith 

hook and liney Dr. Wilson. 
Sategariouaen, Indian name of Pouchot, vide " Pouchot," ante. 
Skaniadarade, Peninsula, W. side of Niagara R. Lewis Evans' 

map, 1755. 
Sa-ca-reesa, or "the sword carrier," a Tuscarora in 1794. Savary 

Journal, p. 359. 
Strawberry Island, Oh-ge-u-joh, grass island. Conjockety, June, 

1864. N. T, Strong. 
Senecas, called " Genundewah " Great hill people. White Woman, 

p. 96. 



INDEX RER UM. 447 

Senecas, their language the rudest and most energetic of the Iro- 
quois. Ill Bancroft, 255. 
Senecas, lived a day's journey east of the Niagara in 1641. Rel., 

1640, p. 65, p. 75 new ed. 
Senecas, call themselves in ordinary conversation Chit-o-wou-e-augh- 

gaw. McCauley, 11, p. 185. 
Senecas, call themselves in treaties Te-how-nea-nyo-hunt. McCauley, 

II, p. 185 and Toe-nen-hogh-hunt. 
Senecas, mission among them established at St. Michael l)y Pere 

Fremin. Rel., 1667-8, p. 165. 
Senecas, see St. Michael. 
Senecas, ancient village or location at Geneva. H. R. S. Report, 

p. 2U. 
Senecas, called IsTun-do-wa'-ga, Blacksmith. 
Senecas, a mission among them called St. Michael. Eel., 1668-9 

p 82. 
Senecas, or nation de la grande Montague. Rel., 1668-9, p. 82. 

Senecas, called Sonontoerrhonons. Rel., 1635, p. 114-164, p. 34. 

Canada Ed. 
Senecas, country called Souontoen. Rel., 1635, p. 165, p. 34 

Canada Ed. 
Senecas, called "Les paisans " by the French from the harshness of 

their speech. La Fiteau, vol. 4, p. 187. 
Senecas, their language more copious and energetic than the Huron 

or other Iroquois, according to the testimony of Father Carheil 

who knew them all. La Fiteau, vol. IV, p. 187. 
Senecas, Tshonnotoiians so called. Le Clercq, vol. I, p. 544 and 

Thesonnontouans, vol. II, p. 187. 
Senecas, Onnontiogats, Neuters and Hurons captives among them. 

Le Clercq, vol. I, p. 544. 
Senecas, Hurons checked_^by in 1633. Rel., 1635, p. 114, Canada ed. 
Senecas, lived ia three villages in 1673. Col. Doc, IX, p. 792. 
Senecas, destroyed the Neuter Nation with help of Mohawks. Rel., 

1650-1, p. 125. 
Senecas, have adopted seventeen different nations. Rel., 1656-7 

p. 126. 



448 INDEX REB UM. 

Seuecas, guard the western door of the Long House, N. Y. Doc. 

Hist., 2 vols., p. 370-372. 
Seneces, had not moved west of Genesee in 1763. I N. Y. Doc. H., 

p. 24. 
Senecas, came to Buffalo Creek in 1781. (Conjockety, June, 1864.) 
Senecas, came to Buffalo Creek in 1780 (?) Gilbert's Narrative, 

p. 115. 
Senecas, came to Buffalo Creek in 1781. Gilbert's Narrative, p. 

12'9-188. 
Senecas, came to Buffalo Creek in 1780. Gilbert's ISTarrative, p. 143. 
Senecas, at Fort Niagara al'ter Sullivan's expedition. ISi. Y. Col. 

Doc, VIII, p. 779-80. 
Senecas on Buffalo Creek in 1780 (?) N. Y. Col. Doc, VIII, p. 796-7. 
Senecas on Buffalo Creek in 1781 (?) K Y. Col. Doc, VIII, p. 

812-13. 
Senecas moved from Genesee river after Revolutionary war. Seneca 

White. 
Senecas own lands in Western New York, etc. Col. D., V, p. 788. 
Senecas, their number at Ft. Niagara after Sullivan's Ex'n, 2628. 

VIII Col. D., p. 780. 
Senecas, new settlements on the Ohio route from Ft. Niagara. VIII 

Col. D., p. 797. 
Senecas, aided La Salle at Lewiston portage. Margry 2, p. 34. 
Seneca Nation, Nan'-do-wah'-gaah. Mr. Wright, Mental Elevation 

No. 10. 
Seneca country described. Rel , 1656-7, p. 166. 
Seneca, "Sennecaas," on map of 1631 (?) of Nova Anglia. O. H. M. 

Cartes de Canada. 
Seneca, " Sennecas," on map of 1631 (?) of American Septentrionalis. 

Same collection. 
Seneca, "Sennecas," on map of 1614 or 1616. N. Y. Col. Doc, 

vol. I, p. 11. Dutch. 
Seneca, " Sennecas," on map of 1616. N. Y. Col. Doc, vol. I, p. 

13. Dutch. 
Seneca, " Sennecaas," on map of 1633. Jean de Laet, Grosvenor 

Library. 



INDEX RERUM. 449 

Seneca villages, plan of two S. villages made by Sieur D'Orvilliers. 

I Doc. H., p. 111. 
Seneca, " O-non'-da " mountain. " Go-wa-nah " great. Wright's 

Spelling Book, p. 77-79. 
Seneca language, its basis the same as the Huron. Rel., 1648, p. 54. 
Seneca people " Nun-da-wa'-o-no." Morgan's Iroquois, p. 51. Gt. 

Hill people. 
Seneca, two villages in 1763, *' Kanadaspro " and " Kanaderagey " 

in the interest of the English N. Y. Doc. Hist., vol. I, p. 24, 
Seneca, called " Sonnondowane," by Ackes Cornelise Van Slyck. 

Ms. O. H. M. 
Seneca Lake, called Canondesago Lake. Aug. Porter's map P. & 

G. purchase, 1798. 
Seneca White, 81 years old in 1864, June 30. O. H, M., interview. 

K T. Strong Lit. 
Seneca White, his Lidian name ISTis-ha-nye-nant, " fallen day." A 

Wright's letter, Nov. 10, '69. 
Seneca White, born in 1782. O. H. M., interview, see Mem. book. 
Seneca White, died May 19, 1873, N". H. Parker's letter of Dec. 

10, 1880. 
Skenando an Oneida cliief, notice of. Kirkland's Memoir, p. 243. 
Schenectady, expedition against in 1690. H Le Clercq, p. 387. 
Steamboat, firsfc on L, Erie. (See Walk in the water.) 
Steamboat, first on L. Outado, launched in 1816, called " Ontario.'^'' 

J. L. Barton. 
Skenchiohronon Nation. Rel., 1639-40, p. 134. 

Stedman, Mr., mentioned in St. John de Crevecoeur, vol. H, p. 152. 
Stedraan, Mr., his Indian name Ga-nas-squah, stone giant. Black- 
smith. (Dr. W. Orr'hog.) 
Stedman, Mr., contractor at tiie Portage. Crevecoear's Voyage, II, 

p. 152. P. & L. MedDs., p. 18. 
Stedman, Mr., lived at Newark. Crevecoeur's Voyage, II, p. 193. 
Stedman, Mr., house occupied by Judge Porter in 1806-7-8. Ms 

Aug. S. Porter. 
Stedman, Mr., at Schlosser, June 15, 1793. Mass. Hist. Coll., 3 

series vol. V, p. 127. 
57 



450 INDEX RERVM. 

Stedraan, Mr. John, went to Europe in October, 1780. See copy of 

Goring's letter, Oct. 10, 1780. 
Stedman, Mr. John, "at Little Niagara," Nov. 23, 1VV9, his letter 

of that date. Merritt's Ms. 
Stedman, John and Philip at Niagara in 1774? Hist. Mag., VIII 

p. 81. 
Stedman, John, petitioned the Legislature for confirmation of title. 

Ms. Albany Records. 
Stedman, John, went to England in 1774. Schenectady letters, 

Jan. 4, '74. 
Stedraan, John, at Niagara in 1768, Feb. 11. lb., Feb. 11, 1768. 
Stedman, John, at " Little Niagara." See Phyn & Ellis' letters, 

July 17, '74, 
Stevenson, Jas., Seneca, died Dec. 28, 1845, aged about 87. Mental 

Elevator, p. 120. 
Street, Samuel, at Niagara, July 16, 1780. 

Sterling, Dr. C, S. Liverpool, N.Y., his early recollections of Onon- 
daga Lake, etc. Diary, 1877, p. 9. 
Seignelay River, Hennepin, La., p. 113. 
Spring, oil, among the Senecas, alluded to by Charlevoix, vol. I^ p. 

422. Rel, 1657, Quebec Ed., p. 33. 
Spring burning, approaching the ancient country of the Eries. 

Charlevoix, vol. I, p. 422. 
Spring burning, approaching the ancient country of the Eries. Rel. 

1656-7, p. 122. F. Ed., 35. Canada Ed., p. 33. 
Spring burning, see above, also Col. Doc, IV, p. 750 and Galin^e's 

Ms. 
Silversmith, Col., Ho-no-wi-ne-doh', the survivor, the rest being sub- 
merged. Wolf Clan. Grand Sachem, Onondaga. 
Si-angorochti, King of the Senecas, his wife a Cayuga. Gilbert's 

Narrative, p. 59 and p. 141. 
Sissisogaes, one of the seven Iroquois nations on W. side Niagara. 

L. Evans' map, 1755. 
Sioux, Seneca name for, is Sqaa-di-oh'. Moses Stevenson. 
Sister's Creek, the two, Tga-ne-ga-ji. Dr. Wilson's letter to C. D. 

M., Sept. 11, 1862. 



INDEX BER UM. 451 

Scriba Patent, extends from Ft. Oswego to Salmon river, surveyed 

from \n%Z to 1798 by Beiij. Wright, Cat. maps in S. Geid's 

office, p. 260, No. 204. 
Simcoe, Lake, see "Toronto." 
Sibola (Cibola). I Margry, p. 582. 

Sodus Bay, Choroutons Ms. map Rue de I'tTniversite Paris. 
Sodus Bay, Sodoms on Mitchell's map of 1755. Paris Mem., p. 

9-72-67. 
Sodus Bay, Ganantio (?) Jesuits' map, 1665, p. 12. Aserotus. 

Paris and London Mem., p. 29. 
Sodus, see Dr. Wilson's letter of July 14, 1854 and Aug. 2, 1854. 
Suow, John, a chief or piincipal man among the Senecas. A. 

Wright's letter, Dec. 15, 1874. 
Sonnontonan village. II Margry, 34. Ill, p. 496. 
Stone Arabia, Paris and London note book, p. 8. 
Strong, N. T., Deh-gah-sv,';il!' is-doh, pierced side, deer clan. Mrs. 

Wright's letter, June 25, 1879. 
Strong, Nathaniel Taylor died Jan. 4, 1872, aged 82. Kate Strong's 

letter, Jan. 5, '72. 
Schlosser, Fort, its proposed building alluded to (?) VI Col. Doc, 

p. 608. 
Schlosser, Fort, ''Magazine " in 1755. Paris notes, p. 72. 
Schlosser, Fort, to be' commanded by Joncaire's brother. VI Col. 

Doc, p. 706. 
Schlosser, Fort, named after John Jos. Schlosser. V Col. Doc, 

p. 731. 
Schlosser, Fort, called "Little Niagara." VII Col. Doc, p. 621. 

Rogers' America, p. 172. 
Schlosser, Fort, or Little Niagara. Paris and London mems., p. 17 

(in 1768). 
Schlosser, Fort, burnt by the Fi-ench. Pouchot, vol. II, p. 52. 
Schlosser, Fort, described (Fort du Portage). Pouchot, III, 173. 
Schlosser, Fort, called Fishers' Battery on map No. 12, vol. II, 

N. Y. S. Lib. Lewis Evans' map of 1755. 
Schlosser, Fort, called Slusher in Gilbert's Nai'rative, p. 114-141-8-7. 



452 INDEX EEB TIM. 

Schlosser, building of a fort at, alluded to. Col. Doc, YI, 609, 

IX, 964. ? 
Sclilosser. fi^^hlng battery at. J. Pownal's map, vol. II, No. 11. 

K Y. S. Lib. 
Schlosser, fishing battery at. O. H. M., map 8vo, Atlas, 1776, 
Schlosser, proposed fort at. Col. Doc, VI, p. 608. 
Schlosser, vis^ited by Alex. He«'y, July 10, 1764. "A Stockaded 

Post." Tvavob-, p. 13 J. 
Schlosser, atoie of goods at, kept by Sterling. Stone's Johnson, p. 

470, vol. II. 
Schlosser, John War reo has engaged a cooper to tend store at, in 

1780. MerriLt's Ms. 
Schlosser, Capt. " Slossen." Stone's Jobnson, II, p. 444-445-450 

(1761), Paris and London Mems., 17. 
Schlosser, Capt., and his son. Stone's Johnson, IT, p. 450. 
Schlosser, Capt. Loskiel's Missions, p. £.2. January 24, 1764. 

Turner's H. Purchase, 227 u. Heckwelder's Narrative, p. 83. 
Schlosser, Capt. Ff 60th Regiment, Montreal. June 16, 1768 

SdCy Utter. 
Schlosse/, Eus'gn. Stone's Johnson, II, p. 451-453. 
Schlosser, Ensign, at Fort St. Joseph, May 25, 1763. Siege of 

Detroit, p. 20-21-22-23-25-133. 
Son-non-keri-ta-oui, Seneca chief. La Fiteau, II, p. 173, and III 

p. 159. 
Son-non-keri-ta-oui, probably Ga-noh'-ga-ih'-da-wih. See A. Wright's 

letter. 
Son-non-keri-ta-oui, probably Da-nou-ca-ri-ta-oui. See La Hontan, 

vol. I, p. 77. 
Son-non-keri-ta-oui, called Oononkenritaoui. Relation, 1671-2, 

p. 84. 
Son-non-keri-ta oai, called Annonkentitaoui. Rel-, 1657, p. 45. 
Smokes Creek, Indian village at its mouth called Diu-deh-neh'-sok- 

don meaning " gravel bend into the lake." Blacksmith. 

De-dyo'-deh-neh'-sak-do. Wilson. 
Smokes Creek, called after Old King a distinguished Seneca chief 

who lived near its mouth named " Ga-yah-gwaah-doh " or " the 



INDEX RER UM. 453 

smoke has disappeared." Blacksmith & Dr. Wilson. "Old 

smoke" was an under chief, hut distinguished, Kavin- 

guaraghtoh. N. Y. Col. Doc, VITI, 612. N. Y. Col. Doc, 

IV, 597. V, 545 V Stone's life of Brant, I vol., p. 1 of Ap- 
pendix. 
Souriquois, speak a dialect of the Algonkins. Charlevoix, I 44. 
Sonontoen, mentioned. Eel., 1635, p. 165. Canada Ed., p. 34. 
Schooner, attacked on L, Erie by 400 Indians in canoes in 1763. 

Annual Reg,, vol. VI, p. 31. 
Sorel, Monsieur, built Fort St. Louis (on Sorel river). Rel., 1664-5, 

p. 43. 
Sohoncbiogotia, Cayuga chief. Reh, 1670-1, p. 1. , 

Sonajoana, chief of the Senecas in 1761. Stone's SirWm. Johnson, 

If, p. 443. 
Sonontona, Galinee's journal Ms., p. 36. West end of L. Ontario. 
Smoke, Seneca chief, killed in Sullivan's Expedition. Turner's 

Monroe, p. 82. 
Smoke, see Brant's life by Stone, II p. 26. 
Smoke, Gi-en-gwah-toh, at Wyoming. Miner's Wyoming, p. 222-3. 

Stone's Brant, vol. L p. 342. 
Smoke, see " Guyanguahta " or " Grahta " the Seneca king. Annals 

of Tryon Co., p. 179. 
Smoke, see " Si-an-go-roch-ti," ante. 

Smoke, pronounced Gai-engwak-to, by Blacksmith. O. H. M. 
Smoke, distinguished Seneca chief, lived near the mouth of Smoke 

creek. J. Blacksmith. 
Smoke, or Gi-en-gwah-toh, led the Senecas at Wyoming. Stone's 

Brant, vol. I, p. 342. 
Smoke, " Cayenquerachta." Seneca Sachem in 17"4. Indian 

Treaties, vol. I, p. 12. 
Smoke, Sayenquei-aghta. Col. Doc, VII, 623. 
Smoke, Gi-eu-gwah-toh, a Seneca chief, commanded at W3'oming, 

Miner, p. 29. 
Smoke, Old, was alive at the treaty of Ft. Stanwix. Wm. Savery's 

Journal, Ed. 1873. p. 129. 



454 INDEX RER UM. 

Smoke, Old, noticed iu Savary's Journal as being dead ia 1794. 

Journal, p. 129. 
Smoke, Old, a man of .i^reat understanding. Savary's Journal, 

p. 129. 
Smoke, Old, was Grandfather of Young King. Seneca White. 
Smoke, Old, died on Smoke's creek. Conjockety remembers it. 

Jacob Bennett told Strong so. 
Smoke, Old, opposed the Indians taking part in the Revolutionary 

war. Seneca White. 
Smoke, Old, lived (?) at Nunda in 17 SO. Gilbert's Narrative, p. 93 

and p. 169. 
Smoke, Old, one of his sons killed in Sullivan's Expedition. Gil- 
bert, p. 93. 
Smoke, Old, went to Buffalo creek in 1780. Gilbert's ISTarrative, 

p. 142. 
Smoke, Old, was a large, portly man. Conjockety, June, 1864. 
Smoke, Old, was the most influential man iu the Revolutionary war. 

Seneca White. 
Smoke, Old, was among Senecas when they moved to B. creek. 

Conjeckety, '64. 
Smoke, Old, was a large man, very influential, first man. Con- 
jockety, '64. 
Smoke, Old, lived near mouth of Smoke's creek. Old apple trees 

there now. Conjockety, '64. 
Smoke Old, Kayanderonqua? [Oneida.] Indian Treaties, N. Y., 

vol. I, p. 135. 
Smoke, Old, Kayinguaraghtoh. N. Y. Col. Doc, VIII, 612. 
Smoke, Old, Cagenquarichton. N. Y. Col. Doc, IV, 597. 
Smoke, Old, Kajnquiractitou (?) N. Y. Col. Doc, V, 545. 
Smoke, Old, Sayenqueraghta. Col. Doc. Index. Stone's Johnson, 

vol, 11, p. 187 (?) Onondaga (?) 
Smoke, Old, " Old Smoke," Syengagaragta. Letter to Gen. Chapin. 

N. Y. Hist. Soc. Ms., Aug. 1, 1792. 
Smoke, Old, was a Sioux, his individual name was Ha-ch6-doh, 

Moses Stevenson. 



INDEX RER UM. 455 

Smoke, Old, was adopted into the Turtle clan. lb. 

Schuyler, Fort, formerly called Fort Stanwix (1788), I Indian 

Treaties, 198. French Gazeteer, N". Y., p. 461. 
Schuyler, Fort, now Rome. Paris notes, 75. 
Sullivan, Gen., after leaving Conesus the first town he came to was 

called Gagh-suquilahery 8i miles from Conesus and near a 

branch of the Genesee river. They then proceeded to Jeneise 

or Jenese the capital town of the Senecas, first crossing a branch 

of the Jenese, then a swamp into a plain 3 miles across, then 

came to the Genesee river, 40 yards wide and middle deep, the 

town situated in a flat, 107 well finished houses. Miner's Hist.. 

of Wyoming. Appendix, p. 99. 
Superior, Lake, noticed on map published in Paris in 1656. N. Am. 

Rev., p. 64, vol. 39 or 48. 
Superior, Lake, means "Upper Lake" in original, N. Am. R., vol. 

39, p. 71. 
Superior, Lake, see La Hontan, passim, and see La Hontan's English 

map, also. Rel., 1659-60, p. 43. 
Superior, Lake, Dulhut builds a fort and calls it Camanistigoyan. La 

Hontan Eng. Ed., I, p. 214. 
Superior, Lake, its Indian name " Kitchegawme," Tanner, p. 

64-399. 
Superior, Lake, its Indian name " Gitchigawmink," Carver, p. 283. 
Superior, Lake, its Indian name " Missisawgaiegon." Schoolcraft's 

tour, p. 200. 
Superior, Lake, its Indian name " Kitchecawme." Antiq. Coll., 

p. 290. 
Superior, Lake, its Indian name Kitchigamink. La Hontan, II, p. 294. 
Superior, Lake, called Lake Tracy and Conde. Ileriot's travels, p. 

212. Joutel's map. Schoolcraft tour, p. 200. Tonti in Hist. 

Coll., p. 229. 
Superior, Lake, called " Gitchigomraee," sea water. Lanman, p. 

260. 
Superior, Lake, called " Igomi," " Chigomi " and " Gitchigomi." 

Schoolcraft's Sources. Miss., p. 16. 
Superior, Lake, called " Upper Lake." Carver, p. 83. 



456 INDEX BEE UM. 

Superior, Lake, two fur traders passed the winter of 1659 on its 

banks. Bancroft, III, 146. 
Superior, Lake, called Upper Lake. Golden, app., p. 15. 
Superior, Lake, called "Lao de Tracy'''' or '' de GondiP Paris 

map of 1688. 
Superior, Lake, called Cond6, missions there and fort. Le Clercq, 

II, p. 137. 
Superior, Lake, worshipped by the savages. V Charlevoix, p. 414. 
Superior, Lake, two Frenchmen wintered there. Rel. 1659-60,p. 60. 
Siierie. Le Clercq, vol. I, p. 235. 

Sulpher Spring, in Seneca country. Rel,, 1656-7, p. 322. 
Superstition of the Senecas (heap of stones). Rel., 1656-7, p. 99. 
Sullivan's Expedition in 1779. 
Sullivan's Expedition, Major Livermore's Journal of. N. H. Hist. 

Coll., vol. VI. 
Sullivan's Expedition, Lieut, Wm. Barton's Journal of. N. J. Hist. 

Coll., vol. II. 
Sullivan's Expedition, Dr. Ebenezer Elmer's Journal of. IST. J. 

Hist. Coll., vol. in. 
Sullivan's Expedition, Chaplain Gano's Journal of. N. Y. Hist. 

Mag., vol. V, p. 332. 
Sullivan's Expedition, Thomas Grant's Journal of. N. Y. Hist. 

Coll., vol. VI, p. 233. See. V. VIII p. 40. 
Sullivan's Expedition Col Hubley's Journal in. Miner's Wyoming 

Appendix. 
Sullivan's Expedition, in Annals of Tryon country. 
Sullivan's Expedition, Gen. Gansevoort's Ms. Journal (in Geneva) 

Scrap Book, 150. 
Sullivan's Expedition, John Salmon's narrative. O'Reilly's Ro- 
chester, p. 393. Also in Mary Jemison. 
Sullivan's Expedition, distances traveled by. Phelps & Gorham's 

Purchase, 82-84. 
Sullivan's Expedition, Capt. Theodosius Fowler's Journal. Stone's 

Brant, vol. II, p. 21 n. 



INDEX BEItUM. 457 

Sullivan's Expedition, Sullivan's official report referred to. lb. lb. 

lb., p. 22 n, 
Sullivan's Expedition, James Norris' Journal of. iMs. O. II. M. 
Sullivan's Expedition, jSTathan Davis, history of. N, Y. Hist. i^Jag., 

vol. Ill, p. 198. N. S. 
Sullivan's Expedition, James Dean's Journal, destroyed, N. Y. 

Hist. Mag., vol. Ill, N. S., p. 38. 
Sullivan's Expedition, Lieut. John Jenkins' Journal, vide Steuben 

Jei^kins' letter to O. H. M. 
Sullivan's Expedition, Sergeant Major Geo. Grant's Journal. lb., 

March 12, '69. 
Sullivan's Expedition, Thomas Blake's Journal. lb. lb. 
Sullivan's Expedition, Rev. John Green's Narrative. lb. lb. 
Sullivan's Expedition, Luke Svvetland's Narrative (prisoner). lb. 

lb. 
Sullivan's Expedition, Newman's Journal. lb. lb. 
Sullivan's Expedition, letter in Penn. Packet, Sept. 7, 1779. lb. lb. 
Sullivan's Expedition, Matthew Henry. Letters. lb. lb. 
Sullivan's Expedition, Capt. Matt-kin's map of the route, etc. lb. 

lb. 
Sullivan's Expedition, history of Eiiuiia, Horseheads, eto. lb. lb. 
Sullivan's Expedition, Major .Maxwell's account, etc. lb. lb. 
Sullivan's Expedition, Capt. Leonard Bleeker's orderly book, 4to. 

N. Y., 1865. 
Sullivan's Expedition, Dr. Jabez Canfield's Diary. Wyoming Demo- 
crat, Dec. 31, '73. Five numbers. 
Tagancourte, a Seneca chief on an expedition against the Illinois. 

N. Y. Hist. Col., 249. 
Tahontaenrat. R«l., 1642-3, p. 93. Huron mission. 
Tangouaen. Rel., 1645-6, p. 87, a place where Hurous and Algon- 

kins sought refuge from the French. 
Traders, bands of, among Senecas. Kel., 1670-1, p. 79. 
Tagarondies, Tyscharondia. 3 Col. Doc, 536. 
Tagarondies, Tircksarondia. 3 Col. Doc, 532. 
Tagarondies^ O. H. M., octavo Atlas " Tegaronhies. 
58 



458 INDEX BERUM. 

Taganoondie. Col. Doc, VII, p, 623. 

Tagan^ot, Seneca chief. Hennepin, 461. See " Teganaot." 

Thayers, Three, executed June iTth, 1825. 

Thayers, Three, Isaac, aged 21, Isral, 23 and Nelson, 25. 

Tanochioragon, jiargry, II, p. 99-217. 

Traverse of Lake Ontario, by islands. Canada, 133. 

Traverse point on L. Ontario. N. Shore. 

Traverse of L. Ontario by islands. Paris notes, p. 121. 

Tberese, St., Bay of, so named by Mesnard. Charlevoix, II, p. 115. 

Keweua. Bancroft, III, p. 147. 
Thcresc, St., Bay of, why so named. liel., 1GG3— i, p. 8. 
Thegarondies, same as De-ga-o-yes. Rev. A. Wright's letter. 
Thegarondies, sec La Hontan, vol. I, p. 77 and Hennepin, p. 43. 

Margry, II, p. 217. 
Teanansteixe, vide Sainte 31arie. 
Teandeouiata, a Huron village. Re!., 1035, p. 136-141, vide 

Toanche. 
Teanaustajae, last boarg of the Hurons called. St. Joseph. Rel., 

1641, p. 61. 1639-40, p. 42. 
Teotongniaton, a bourg of the Neuter nation, Rel., 1641, p. 76. 
Tegancourt, a Seneca chief. Paris Documents, vol. 2, p. 324. 
Teganissorens, an Onondaga chief. Charlevoix, vol. II, p. 284. 
Teganissorens, mentioned. Le Clcrcq, vol. II, p. 405. Ill Charle- 
voix, 200. 
Teganeot, a Seneca chief. I Hennepin, p. 224 (Fr. Ed., p. 461). I 

Margry, 508. 
Tegatainasghque, " Double fortified town," 36 miles west of Genesee 

river. An ancient fortification. Kirkland's Memoirs, p. 282. 
Tegataiueaaghgwe, Moulton's New York, p. 16, sj^me word. 
Tequenonquiaye, a Huron village. Champ! ain, I, p. 327. 
Teharihoguen, chief of an Iroquois army of 1200. Rel., 1657-8, 

p. 43. 
Tegueunonkiaye, village mentioned by Sagard. Journal, p. 83. 

Tegarondies, village of Senecas. Hennepin, Fr. Ed., 81. 
Three Mountains at Lewiston. See Gilbert's narrative, p. 175. 



INDEX RER UM. 459 

Three Mountains. La Hontan map. 

Teg-aronliies, on west side Genei^ee river. Lewis Evans' map, 1755, 
Tegaronbies, on west side Genesee river. Am. Pocket Atlas. 
Tethiroguen, Indian village at foot of Oneida Lake. Rel., 1656, p. 

12 and 36. 
Tethiroguen, a river issuing from (Goienho,) L. Oneida. Rel., 

1656, p. 12. 
Theiognen, east end of Oneida Lake (?) Co!. Doc, IX, 376-7. 
Theyaaguin, X Col. Doc, 155 (west) end L. Oneida (?) See Rome. 
Teehiroguen, Oneida /^a/c-e. Jesuit map. Rel., 1665, p. 12, iiellin's 

map of 1744, No. 25. 
Techivoguen, Margry, vol. I, p. 240 and 24-'. Col. Doc, I, p. 451 

Paris notes, 29-31. 
Tirhiroguen, Oneida Lake terminates at, Rel., 1656, p. 36. Bellin's 

map of 1744, No, 25. 
Tesoueatt, or Ondesson, a Huron chief. Borgue de Lisle. Rel., 

1646, p. 23. 
Tecanonouaronensi, S. branch of Sandy creek, L. Ontario. Head of 

this stream the place where Iroquois originated. Ill, Pouchot, 

p. 125. 
Teioigon, Margry, vol. II, p. 14-115-125. Margry, I, 54:% 514, 500. 
Treaty, Indian, held at " Big Tree," Sept. 15, 1797. Indian Treaties 

p. 33. 
Treaty, Indian, Fort Stanwix (bouiidary) 0(;t. and Nov., 1768. 

' Col. Doc, 8, p. 111. Craig's Olden Time, p. 399. 
Treaty, Indian, held at Canandaigua, Nov. 11, 1794. Stone's Rod 

Jacket, 472. 
Treaty, Indian, held at Port Stanwix in October, 1784. Taylor's 

Ohio, 425. .Olden Tin^e, 11, p. 404. 
Treaty, Indian, at Fort Mcintosh, Jan. 21, 1785. Taylor's Ohio, 438. 
T]-eaty, Indian, at Fort Harmar, Jan., 1789. Taylor's Ohio, 461. 
Treaty, Indian, at Gr-enville, Aug. 3, 1795. Taylor's Ohio, 464. 
Treaty, Indian, at Detroit (Wm. Hull). Nov. 17, 1807. 
Treaty, Indian, at Br.iwnstown (Wra. EIull). Nov. 25, 1808, 
Treaty, Indian, at Fort Wayne. June 7, 1803. 



460 INDEX BEE TIM. 

Treaty, Indian, at Vincennes (Gen. Harrison) Aug. V, 1803. 
Treaty, Indian, at Tioga Point, Nov. 16, 1790. Stone's Red Jacket, 

p. 36. 
Treaty, Indian, at Buffalo creek (Proctor), April 27, 17'J1. lb., 

p. 48. 
Treaty, Indian, at Muskingum. 

Treaty, Indian, at Au Glaize, 1792. Stone's R. Jacket, p. 103. 
Treaty, Indian, at Buffalo creek, Feb., 1794. Stone's R. Jacket, 

13. 109. 
Treaty, Indian, at Buffalo creek, June, 1794. Stone's R. Jacket, p. 

Ill n. 
Treaty, Indian, at Albany, July 19, 1701. Lewis Evans' map of 

1755. 
Treaty, Indian, at Albany, Sept. 14, 1726. Lewis Evans' map of 

1755. 
Treaty, Indian, at Ft. Schuyler, 1788. Indian Treaties, p. 198, 241, 
Treaty, Indian, at Big Tree, 1797. Hist. Mag., vol. 5 (N. S.), p.. 

379. 
Teganakas.sin, cliief of the wSaut St. Louis with Celoron. O. H. M. 

Paris Mem. Book, 110. 
Tiononta-tehronons, or nttion du Petuu, vide " Petun." Rel., 

1653-4, p. 44. V, Charlevoix, 393. 
TionnontateLronnons, at du St. Esprit in 1666. Rel., 1666-7, p. 74. 
Tionontates, liurons etablis au Detroit. La Fiteau, vol. IV, p. 144. 
Tiounontoguen, Jesuit iniss'on. L. Ed., vol. IV, p. 29. L. Ed., 

trans., p. 85, vide H. R. S. R., p. 186. 
Tionnontoguen, for Diondei'aga or Ft Hunter at mouth Schoharie Cr. 

Mohawk village visited by Father Pierron. Rel., 1668-9. 
Tionnontoguen, or Ste. Marie. Rel , 1672-3 (Shea), 37. 
Tionnontoguen, about five leagues iroiw Gandouague. Rel., 1672-3, 

p. 39. Shea. 
Tinniontoguen, ])ri!icipa]-bourg of the Mohawks. Rel., 1688-9, p. 2. 
Tionontonguen, rebuilt i of a league from the old village that the 

French destroyed in 1666. Rel., 1667-8, p. 42. 
Tionnontatez, established on the west bank of Detroit river. Char- 
levoix, V, p. 378, 



INDEX RER UM 461 

Tionnontatez, their wanderings. V, Charlevoix, ^. 378. 

Tripe de roche, Rel., 1670-1, p. 130. 

Tinnouatoua, 0. H. M. Cartes de Canada au 1777. Galin^e's Ms. 

Tirhiroguen, at end of the lake, Rel., 1656, p. 36. Lake ends at 

it. lb. 
Tiotontaraeton River. Margry, II, p. 243, west end of Lake Erie. 

lb., p. 139. 
TioGton Lake. London and Paris Mems., p. 31. 
Tonti's La Salle, its claims to authenticit)^ examined and rejected. 

Vol. 48, 39, N. Am. R., p. 82. 
Tonawanda, plains formerly called Ke-dau-yok-ko-wau. McCauley 

N. Y., II, p. 177. 
Tonawanda Island, " ^Vi-^^-'ioe-wdA-a-aA," "the small island." J 
Blacksmith (and Dr. W.,orth'y). Ni-ga'-we-nah'-a-ah. Wright. 
Tonawanda Island, mound there formed by bones brought by 

Indians on removal. Conjockety, 1864. 
Tonawanda Creek, called " La riviere aux Bois Blancs." Pouchot 

vol. Ill, 175 and map. Paris notes, p. 68. 
Tonawanda Creek, called " Maskinonge," Haut de Penn., vol. Ill, p. 

131, map. 
Tonawanda Creek, " R. aux Cheveaux " (or Cayuga creek) Ms. map 

Paris. Rue de I'Universite, 
Tonawanda Creek, Seiieca Ta-nowan-deh from O-m^-wan-det, rouo-h 

stream. A. Wright. 
Tonnawanda, " swift waters." Blacksmith. Ta-no-wan-deh (A. W.) 
Troye, Le Chevalier de, died at Ft. Niagara in 1687. 
Toanche, a Huron village. Rel., 1635, p. 136, mc?e Teandeouiata 

and Oto. 
Trois Rivieres, its Indian name Metaberoutin. Rel, 1635, p. 63. 

Metaberdlin. Rel., 1639-40, p. 40. 
Trois Rivieres, Metaberoutse, vide IST. Y. Hist. Soc. Bulletin, 1847 

p. 145. Metaberoutin. Rel., 1657-6, p. 109 or 75. 
Trois Rivieres, a great concourse of savages .-tSSGxbled there in 1624, 

by the invitation of Charaplain. Le Clercq, I, 260. 
Totoutaratonhronon. mentioned (Indian nation), Relation, 1639-40 
134. 



462 INDEX RERUM 

Tsonnontouan, the largest of the Iroquois villages. Margry, II, 

p. 217. 
Tsonnontouan^ a village. Bark magazines there noted. La Fiteau, 

vol. Ill, p. 72. 
Tsonnontouan, embraces the four missions. Rel., 16'72, p. 24, 

1670, p. 69. 
Teoronto, or Tseorontok, " a jam of flood wood." A. Wright. 
Teoronto, Oronto, a tree in t"he water." La Fiteau, IV, p. 180. 
Toronto, founded about 1749- Col. Doc, p. 201. 
Toronto, called "Ft. Tronto." on Lewis Evans' map of 1755. 
Toronto, I Margry, 543-9. II Margry, p. 115. 'I Margry, p. 501, 

Lake.) 
Toronto, or Taronto Lac. I Margry, 501-514-54.3. 
Toronto Riviere, has six poitages and fall:^' into Lake Huron (?) I 

Margry, 549. 
Tonachin, a Hui'on village in 1627. Le C'lercq, vol I, p. 302. Rel., 

1635, p. 136. 
Tonaguainchain, a Huron village. Champlain, I, p. 327. 
Tobacco, made by the Neuter nation. Champlain, I, p. 358. 
Thompson, David, astronomer, his Ms., surveys, etc. Pro. N. Y. 

Hist. Soc, for 1847, p. 132. 
Thomson, A, at Fort Erie, June 15, 1780. Merritt's ?-Is. 
Toaguenha, Galinee Ms. Journal, p. 12. Relation's "index. 
Torture of a Jesuit with hot ploughshare. Schoolcraft's notes, p. A 46. 
Torture of a blacksmith by heated chain and axe. I Clark, 48. 
Tournesol, Galinee's Journal. Rel., 1657 (Quebec), p. 33. 
Tonihata Island in St. Lawrence, same as Grenadier & Chevseuil. 

Pouchot, II, p. 129 n. Hough. IX N. Y. Col. Doc, p. 77. 
Toise, equal to 6.3915925 English and six French feet. 
Tonkton, name of one of the Central N. Y. Lakes. Paris Meins, 

B., "A," p. 9-67-73. 
Tonti, Henry de. Relation. Margry, I, 575. 
Tonti, notice of. La Potherie, II, p. 144. 
Turcot, name for Grand ris-er, Canada Ms. map, 1688. Paris O. 

H. M. xMargry, II, p. 104. 



INDEX EERUM 463 

Tutulas, or Tuteloes, from N. Carolina (?) Assigned lands with 

Cayugas. Schoolcraft's I. T., Ill, p, 292, 
Tutulas, or Tuteloes. Clark's Onon., vol. I, p. 305. 
Tuscaroras, joined the Five nations from Carolina before 1726 (?) 

IX, Col. Doc, 998. 
Tuscaroras, history of. Hist. JMag,, vol. I, p. 161. 
Tuscarora, Toscarora. London and Paris Mems., p. 25-26-27. 
Tuscarora, sketch of. Hough's Indian Treaties, p. 419 n. 
Tuscai-orah, Indian town. Le Rouge map, 1755. Paris Mem. B. 

p. 10-27. London. 
Turkey Point, E. of Long Point (Turcot ?j O. H. M. Paris note 

book, p. 76. 
Utica, Nundadasis. Jones' Oneida, p. 489. 

Ursulines, their first embarkation for v'anada. Le Clercq, II, 35. 
Vessels to be built on Lake Erie. N. Y. Doc. Hist., II, p. 37S (in 

1755). 
Vessels, to be built on Lake Ontario. N. Y. Doc. Hist., II, p. 393. 
Vessels, Angelica arrived at Fort Erie, Nov. 23, 1779. J. Warren's 

letter. JMerritt's Ms. 
Vessels, "Gage" on Lake Erie, Aug., 1778 and Aug., 1779. Mer- 

ritt's Ms. 
Vessels, " Ontario " lost on L. Ontario 40 m, below Niagara, Nov., 

1780. Merritt's Ms. 
Vessels "Charlotte," schooner at Ft. Erie, June 26, 1770. lb. 
Vessels Victory, burned Dec. 1, 1766, near site of Buffalo. lb. 
Vessels, building near Niagara carrying place in 1764. 7 Col. 

Doc, 626 
Vessels, see " Navy Island," 
Vessels, L'Ottawa on L. Erie, British frigate of 40 ton.s, 16 guns. 

Liancourt, vol. II, p. 17. 
Vessels, loss of on L. Erie in 1763 alluded to. VII Col. Doc , 551. 
Vessels, shipwreck on AV. side of L. Erie in 1763, Nov. 7. VII, 

Col. Doc, 589-599, 90 miles from Detroit Batteaux. 
Vessels, " Duveer " on Lake Erie. Merritt's Ms. 
Vessels, brass six pounder to be placed on a vessel in L. Erie in 

1794. Merritt's Ms. 



464 INDEX RERUM. 

Vessels, Faith on L. Erie, June, 1780. lb. 

Vessels, " Haldimand " on L. Ontario. 

Vessels on L. Erie. Beaver & Gladwin in 1763. Stone's John- 
son, II, 197. 

Vessels Beaver, new vessel, lost about May 1, 1771, on L. Erie 
near Sandusky? Schenectady letters, June 29, 1771. 

Vessels, sloop Colville on L. Ontario, 179]. Campbell's travels, 
p. 163. 

Vessels Victory burned near Navy Island, Nov% 30, 1766. Caniff's 
Canada, p. 147. 

Vessels Gladwin, Lady Charlotte, Victory & Boston, on L. Erie 
in 1766. lb. lb., \). 147. 

Vessels built on L. Ontario by La Salle, 20 tons burden. I Margry, 
p. 175. 

Vessels, Mississauga on L. Ontario in 1793. Quebec Gazette. 

Vessels on L. Ontario in 1768. Paris and London Mems., p. 22. 

Vessels for L. Erie built on Navy Island. Paris and London Mems., 
p. 13. 

Vessels early on L. Erie. Haddock's article in N. Y. Hist. Mag., 
vol. IX, 175. 

Vessels, Beaver sloop, lost 28th Aug., 1763. N. Y. Hist. Mag., vol. 
IX, 175. 

Vessels, Caldwell on L, Ontario in 1793. U. C. Gazette. Govern- 
ment. 

Vessels, Onondaga, on L. Ontario in 1793. U. C. Gazette. Govern- 
ment. 

Vessels, Lady Dorchester, on Lake Ontario in 1793. U. C. Gazette. 
Merchantman. 

Vessels, Buffaloe, on L. Ontario in 1793. U. C. Gazette. 

Vessels, Sophia, on L. Ontario in 1793. U. C. Gazette. Govern- 
ment vessel. 

Vessels, Speedwell & Saginaw, L. Erie in 1793. U. C. Gazette. 

Vessels, Chippewa, L. Erie in 1793. U. C. Gazette, armed. Gov- 
ernment. 

Vessels, Charlotte (1768), L. Erie. London and Paris Mems. p. 22. 



INDEX EEJRUM. 455 

Vermeil, a name for the Gulf of California. Le Clercq's map and 

vol. 2, p. 139. 
Vegetable productions of Illinois. Margry II, p. 244-5 17u-l. 
Victory, schooner, accidentally burnt Dec. 1, 17G6 near site of 

Buffalo, Merrett's Ms. 
Viel, Nicolas, a Recollect, drowned by the Hurons in the Saut ;iu 

Recollet (named after him). I Le Clercq, 322. 
Viel, passed two years among the Hurons. I Le Clercq, 345 (1623 

and 1624). 
Viele, Aukes Cornelissen. Journal, 1684. N. Y. Col. Ms. vol. 31 

p. 159. 
Viele, I Doc. Hist., p. 136. 
Washington, Geo., his Iroquois name is Honandaganius. Indian 

State Papers, p. 163. 
Washington, Geo., his Indian name *' Conotocarious^'' Guerre coutre 

les Anglais, p. 13. 
Washington, Geo., at Cherry Valley in 1784 (?) xlnnals of Tryon 

Co., 185. 
Washington, Geo., at Ft. Schuyler (Stanwix) in 1783. Spark's life 

vol. I, p. 395. Letters of Washington, vol. 8, p. 488. 
Washington, Geo., at Schenectady in 1782 (?) (3). Merritt's Ms. 
Washington, Fort, now Cincinnati. Olden Time, II, j). 520. 
Wampum, Charlevoix, vol. V, p. 308. Relation abrege, 391. 
Walk in the water, first steamboat on L. Erie launched May 28th 

1818. 
Walk in the water, sailed on first trip Aug. 23, 1818. Capt. Fish. 
Walk in the water, wrecked Nov. 1, 1821. Sanford's Hist. Erie Co., 

Peun., p. 134. 
Walk in the water, name of Indian Wyandot chief " Miere." 

Indian Treaties, p. 70. 
Walk m the water, name of Indian Wyandot chief " Myeoruh." 

Indian Treaties, p. 80. 
Waterford, Pa., its Indian name " Casewago." Col. Doc, X, 259. 
Warren, John, at Fort Erie, March 24, 1780. Merritt's Ms. 
Wayne, Anthony, died at Presque Isle in 1796, Dec. 17. Quebec 

Gazette. 
69 



466 INDEX BER UM. 

Welsh Indians, account of. Beatty's Journal, p. 24 n. 

Wemple, N. Y. Indian Treaties, vol. I, p. 183. See index to Col. 

Doc's. 
Wemp, N. Y. Indian Treaties, vol. I, p. 188. 
White Fish. Relation, 1641, p. 116. 

White Fish, " Ozoondah " in Seneca. Gilbert's Narrative, p. 145. 
White men, spring from the foam of the sea, vol I, p. 798. Am. 

State Papers Indian affairs. 
White men, spring from the foam of the sea, p. 238. Yonnondio 

& Wm. H. C. Ilosmer's Legend, No. 1. 
Winipeg, signifies stinking water. Rel., 1639-40, p. 132. 
Wine for Mass, a bottle sent for to Albany from ? Rel., 1661-2, 

p. 69. 
Whirlpool, the, Dyu-no-wa-da-s6 " The cm-rent goes round," from 

O-no-wah " a current of water," and Dyut-wa-da-se " it goes 

round " (as if around a centre). 
Wilson, Dr., Indian name of, De-jih-non-da-weh-hoh, " the pacifi- 
cator." 
Wilson, Dr., Indian name Wa-o-wa-wa-na-onk. N. Y. H. S. Pro- 
ceedings. 
Wilson, Peter, Dr., great-grandson of Farmers Brother. P. W. 

letter of November 10, 1851. 
" Winny," " C," letters signed and written by him to Gen. Chapin 

dated Buffalo creek, Sept. 22, 1792. N. Y. Plist. Soc. Ms. 
Winne, Cornelius, Indian trader at Buffalo. Indian State Papers, 

p. 157-160. 
Winne, Cornelius, of Fishkill. State Papers, Indian Dep., vol. I, 

p. 157. 
Winne, a Butler ranger. Turner's Ontario, etc., p. 351. 
Winne, at Buffalo creek in 1795, History of Erie Co, Pa., p. 82. 

(Cor. Main and Exchange streets.) 
Winne, at Buffalo creek in 1792. Turner's H. Purchase, p. 321. 
Windecker, Geo., mentioned in III Col. Doc. of N. Y., p. 1043 and 

Mass. Hist. Coll., p. 63. Vol. 4, 1st series. 
Winter, cold, 1779-80, river opposite Ft. Niagara froze from 7th of 

January to 1st March so teams could cross. Merritt's Ms. 



INDEX RER ITM. 467 

Williamsville, Gah-da'-ya-deh, place of miseiy, etc. Wilson. 
White clog. Rel, 1635, p. 35. Hist, Mag., IV, 87. Y, 28. Rel., 

1656, p. 26 (?) 
White womau, see Jeraison. 
White, Seneca, son of John White, a white captive known as White 

Chief. 
White Chief, John White, a prisoner, white raan adopted. JVI. B. 

Pierce. Feb. 1, '74. 
White Chief, Indian name was Gah-o-wa-sea (or say) meaning " a 

new wooden bowl." M. B. Pierce, Feb. 7, '74. 
White Chief, Sga-o-w«-eeh, i. e. " The canoe lies there again." A. 

WMght's letter, Dec. 15, '74. 
Wright, Asher, Rev., died April 13, 1875. 
Wilcox, Joseph (Moyer). See notice of his father. Cannilf's 

Canada, 351. 
Wilkins, expedition, route and attack on. See vessels on L. Erie 

No. 43. 
Wood Creek, Paris and London note book, p. 10. 
Wyandots, have a tradition of war with the Senecas. Schoolcraft's 

Wigwam, p. 92. 
Wyandots, language is in the throat. Mohawk on the tongue. lb., 

p. 200. 
Wyoming massacre, occurred in July, 1778. Miner's Wyoming, 

p. 229. 
Xavier, Francis, a mission of that name among the Oneidas. Rel., 

1668-9, p. 37. 
Yendats, Hurons so called. Champlain, I, p. 285, 
Young, King, mentioned. Turner's Phelps & Goi'ham, p. 443. 
Young, King, lost his wife and child. Granger to Parish, April 

5, 1809. 
Young, King, his father was an old man when I knew him. Asa 

Pratt. 
.Young, King, was a nephew of Old Smoke. 
Young, King, his father's name was Ha-yah-dyo-nih', one who 

makes himself. (Wm. Johnson & Geo. Conjockety, Oct., 1872.) 



468, INDEX RER UM. 

Young, King, Oli-gah-yeh-gwah-toh (or touh) usually pronounced 
Ga-yeh-gwah-to, omitting ohoro " the smoke is lost or die- 
appeared." M. B. Pierce's letter of Feb. 7, 1874. 

Young, King, Ga-yoh-gwaah'-doh. A. Wright's letter, Dec. 15, '74. 

Young, King, died May 3, 1835 and buried by side of R. Jacket. 
B. Com. Ad., May 6, 1835. 



APPENDIX. 



THE LATE O. H. MARSHALL. 

[From the Buffalo Daily Courier, Friday, July 11th, 1884.] 

In the death of Orsamus H. Marshall, briefly referred to in these 
columns yesterday, the bar of Buffalo has lost one of its brightest 
ornaments, the Historical society its strongest pillar, and the city 
one of its oldest, most upright and highly respected residents. As 
has been already stated, Mr. Marshall died at his residence, 700 
Main street, on Wednesday, [July 9th] shortly before midnight, 
aged seventy-two. For some time his health has been rather pre- 
carious. Last winter he spent at Nassau, New Providence ; and in 
the beginning of April this year he repaired to Florida. These 
changes of clime were attended with beneficial results, and after 
visiting several southern cities he I'eturued to Buffalo in l^Iay, ap- 
parently much improved in health. A few days ago, however, the 
symptoms of his old heart affection manifested themselves, and the 
best medical aid could not arrest their fatal progress. 

Orsamus H. Marshall was born at Franklin, Conn., on February 
1, 1813. His father. Dr. John E. Marshall, a physician of eminence 
in his profession, vi^as one of Buffalo's pioneer settlers whose lot was 
to bear the brunt of the war of 1812. During this troublous time 
as many as were in a position to do so left the scene, but the doctor 
remained where his services were required Mrs. Marshall sought 
refuge with relatives at Franklin, and it was at this time that Orsa- 
mus was born. The war over, Mrs. Marshall joined her husband at 
Mayville, Chautauqua connty, where the family had settled -in 1809, 
Six years later, when the subject of this sketch was only two and a- 



470 APPENDIX. 

half years old, the family came to reside in Buffalo, making the 
journey hither on horseback, which vv^as the customary mode of 
traveling in those days. Dr. Marshall acquired from the Holland 
Land company a lot on the corner of Washington and Mohawk 
streets, and built thereon a home. This lot was subsequently sold 
to Trinity church and mtu-ks the site of the old church, which in 
its turn is so soon to give place to a newer and more convenient 
structure. 

In 1827 at the age of fourteen years Orsamus was sent to the 
Polytechnic school at Chittenango, N. Y., where he remained a 
year. Among his classmates were John L. Talcott, since judge of 
the Supreme Court of this state, and William L. Taney, the famous 
southern fire-eater. In 1829 young Marshall returned to Buffalo 
and joined a military school founded by Alden Partridge and kept 
by Col. James McKay in a building afterwards occupied by the 
Sisters of Charity hospital. In 1830 he entered the junior class 
at Union college, where in the following year he graduated at the 
age of eighteen. On being called upon to choose a profession, Mr. 
Marshall selected that of the law, and entered the office of Austin & 
Barker. He read with this firm until the spring of 1 833 ; subsequently 
attended Dr. Daggett's lectures at Yale and was admitted to practice 
as an attorney at-law in October, 1834, and as solicitor in chancery 
the following month. His first law partnership was with William 
A. Moseley, after the dissolution of which he entered into partner- 
ship with the Hon. Horatio J. Stow, until the latter's appointment 
to the recordership in 1840, when Mr. Marshall became the partner 
of the Hon. N. K. Hall, formerly of the firm of Fillmore, Hall & 
Haven. On Mr. Hall's appointment as judge of the county in 1841, 
Mr. Marshall was left to practice alone for several years, after which 
he formed a partnership with Alexander W. Harvey. The latter 
removed to New York in 1863, whereupon Mi\ Marshall took his 
son Charles D., into partnership and finally retired from active 
practice in 1867. 

On the 29th of February, 1838, Mr. Marshall married Miss Miili- 
cent Ann De Angelis, youngest daughter of Pascal De Angelis, one 



APPENDIX. 47 

of the pioneer settlers of central ISTevv York, resident at Holland 
Patent, Oneida county. 

During his long connectioD with the city and his active partici- 
pation in its local affairs, Mr. Marshall did much that will cause his 
memory to live in its public annals. He was one of the prime 
movers in the founding of the Historical society in 1836, an organ- 
ization which has collected and preserved a rich mass of statistical 
and other information throwing light upon tlie past liistory of this 
section of the country. Mr; Marshall's valuable researches con- 
tributed in no small measure to the collection which holds out a 
rich mine of wealth for the future historian to explore. The 
Buffalo Cemetery Association was another important organization 
which took its rise at a later date in 3Jr. Marshall's office. As a 
trustee and for a time president of the Grosvenor library, he was 
in active co-operation with Millard Fillmore, George A. Babcock, 
Joseph G. Masten and others whose names are identified with the 
up-building of Buffalo. As trustee and president of the Buffalo 
Female Academy and University of Buffalo, trustee of the Society 
of Natural Sciences and president of the Thomas Orphan Asylum 
for Indian children, Mr. Marshall did good service in the public in- 
terest. Upwards of thirty years ago he was offered the appoint- 
ment of commissioner to China but declined owing to ill health and 
other pressing engagements. The same reasons induced him to 
decline the proffered post of assistant postmaster general. About 
the year 1868 he was appointed by the United States Circuit Court 
United States commissioner for the northern district of New York, 
an office which he held up to the time of his death. 

In 1851, when the late Dr. Foote withdrew from the editorship of 
the Coinviercial, the position was offered to Mr. Marshall, who, how- 
ever, declined the active work of the editorial chair, but consented 
to become a regular contributor. Had Mr. Marshall chosen to 
enter actively into journalism, he would undoubtedly have been 
brilliantly successful. The following is the leading editorial of the 
Commercial of Monday evening, June 9, 1851: 



472 APPENDIX. 

" Dr. Foote left town last Thursday for Albany, to take the editorial 
charge of the Stale Ri'.gisler in tliat city. His departure will cause 
no change in the proprietorship of this, paper, nor in its general 
course. It will continue, as heretofore, to advocate national whig 
principles, and oppose ultraism and fanaticism, whether north or 
south, while the arrangements we have made for editorial assist- 
ance will, we trust, render the paper worthy the generous support 
and confidence it has so long enjoyed, and which we would grate- 
fully acknowledge. In addition to the editorial force already em- 
ployed, we are happy to announce that O. II. Marshall, Esq., of this 
city, a gentleman distinguished for elegant scholarship and sound 
political sentiments, has consented to become a regular contributor. 
With this accession, and with the best efforts of all concerned, we 
confidently hope that the Commercial Advertiser, will be as accept- 
able to our patrons hereafter as it hns been before." 

Mr. Marshall never acquired great distinction by reason of any 
important law-suit, but displayed signal fidelity as well as real 
ability in the management of estates and trusts ; proved to his 
clients that their interests were in safe and honest hands. A man 
of wide culture, refined tastes and sterling probity, Mr. xMarshall did 
not deny to himself intellectual enjoyments in his well-earned leisure, 
and during the later years of his life he lived a good deal in Europe. 



APPENDIX. 473 

TRIBUTES PAID TO THE MEMORY OF MR. MARSHALL. 

[FitoM THE Buffalo Oommercial Advertiser, July 12th, 1884.] 
THE LATE O. H. MARSHALL. 

Action of the Council of the XJniveksity of Bupflo, the His- 
torical Society and the Bar. 

The council of the University of Buffalo met at 4:30 o'clock 
yesterday afternoon in the Y. M. A. Library for the purpose of 
taking action on the death of Mr. O. H. Marshall, Chancellor of the 
University. Dr. Thos. F. Rochester, as Vice-Chancellor of the 
University, called the meeting to order, and Dr. Charles Gary was 
appointed secretary. Dr. Rochester spoke briefly of the deceased 
as an able associate and friend. He had not only been efficient as 
chancellor, but had always been a friend and adviser of the faculty. 
He was warmly in favor of establishing a law school in connection 
with the University, and the speaker thought the accomplishment 
of such a laudable end would be a fitting tribute to his memory. 
He felt that he had said but little of Mr. Marshall. All who knew 
him would certainly regret most deeply the loss of an exemplary 
citizen and friend. 

The Hon. James O. Putnam heartily endorsed all that had been 
said, and spoke of Mr. Marshall as a model gentleman, who had 
given a large part of his time and energy to the public. 

The Hon. E. C'. Spi-ague moved that the proceedings of this meet- 
ing be entered on the minutes of the Council of the University of 
Buffalo, and a copy sent to Mrs. Marshall. The motion was carried, 
when the meeting adjourned. " 

At a meeting of the Buffalo Historical Society, held last evening, 
for the purpose of taking action on the death of the Hon. O. H. 
Marshall, Mr. W. C. Bryant offered the following resolutions, which 
were adopted : 

The Buffalo Historical Society is here assembled to pay an appro- 
priate tribute to its late lamented counselor Orsamus H. Marshall. 
Mr. Marshall was one of the founders of our society, and in the roll 
60 



474 APPENDIX. 

of its active membership, which embraced such names as Millard 
Fillmoi'e, N. K. Hall, and John C. Lord, was one of the most eminent, 
zealous and faithful. 

The results of his researches and his contributions to the depart- 
ment of aboriginal and pioneer literature are of exceptional and per- 
manent value, and add lustre upon this institution whose welfare 
he had so deeply at heart. 

He sustained every relation of life with exceeding grace and rare 
dignity and furnished the noblest type of a cultivated American 
gentleman. 

His family, this society and the community at large have suffered 
an irreparable loss in the death of this noble and gifted man, whose 
memory they will always proudly and affectionately cherish. 

Resolved, That our seci*etary furnish a copy of the foregoing and 
of this resolution to the family of the deceased. 



IN MEMORIAM. 

Action of the bar on the death of Mr. O. H. Marshall. 

A large number of the members of the bar were present in the 
Genei'al Term room, at the City Hall this morning to do honor to 
the memory of the late O. H. Marshall. The meeting began shortly 
after 11 o'clock. Among those present were George J. Sicard, Judge 
Burrows, Gen. Scroggs, Gen. John C. Graves, Delevan F. Clark, 
Hon. James O. Putnam, J. F, Gluck, George Clinton, E, H. Movius, 
Geo. Gorham, John G. Milburn, M. B. Moore, James C. Beecher, 
Judge Sheldon, Judge Smith, Judge Hammond, Adelbert Moot, 
Rev. Dr. A. T. Chester, Sheldon T.Viele, Daniel H. McMillan, S. 
Cary Adams, Hon. E C. Sprague, Hudson H. Parke, James C. 
FuUerton, H. C. Day. 

Mr. Sicard opened the proceedings by stating that they had been 
called together to express such sentiment as was fitting, and moved 
that Judge Daniels preside. This was carried. Judge Daniels 
spoke to the following effect: That the meeting was called to tender 



APPENDIX. 475 

sincere acknowledgment to the memory of Mr, Marshal]. That he 
-was one of tlie persons of the Erie county bar, who had won dis- 
tinction, and gained a practice in the profession that did him credit. 
He was a sound counselor and a man of resources, fidelity of char- 
acter and by those who knew him he was always regarded as one- 
on whose opinions the greatest reliance could be placed. He was 
candid, fair and discharged with fidelity all the responsibilities of 
his profession. This man has now closed a long and creditable 
career. He leaves a memory behind that may be esteemed by the 
Erie county bar and all the citizens who knew him. 

Mr. Sheldon T. Viele was made secretary and a committee con- 
sisting of George Gorham, Judge Burrows, Daniel McMillan, J. G. 
Milburn and D. F. Clark were appointed to draft the following 
memorial: 

Memorial. 

The life and character of Orsamus H. Marshall shall merit from 
liis co-laboi"ers at the bar of Erie county a marked tribute of re- 
spect and affection. Beginning professiontl life in Buffalo in its 
early days, he quickly merited and as quickly gained the confidence 
of the bench, the bar, and clients at home and abroad; possessing 
abilities of a rare character, a clear logical mind, coupled with 
striking qualities of strictest integrity, he soon acquired a position 
in the then small community which must have been a pride to him- 
self and which might have excited the envy of older men. 

But all these qualities were so blended with a modest bearing 
and kindly nature, that no man ever felt disposed to question the 
high position which he occupied in the confidence of all good 
citizens. In all matters of trust and those involving questions of 
title to real estate he was a recognized authority, and though some 
years have passed since he took an active part in legal matters, yet 
Mr. Marshall's name attached to any real estate title still stands as 
a fortress of security, and will for years to come be a landmark of 
' strength and protection. 

His exact and strict honesty was well known, and received as it 
ought, its full measure of appreciation, and helped to make him the 



476 APPENDIX. 

trusted counselor of financial institutions and monied men, and no 
man or corj^oration ever had a reason to feel that their confidence 
had been misplaced. 

As a man of high literary attainments Mr. Marshall had reached 
pre-eminence, and lie was truly and deservedly considered an 
authority in everything bearing upon the history of his city and 
county, and the aboriginal inhabitants of Western ISTew York; as a 
wise and safe counselor, as a faithful trustee of intricate trusts, as 
a graceful ^vriter upon literary and historical subjects, as an upright 
patriotic citizen, as a true christian gentleman none excelled, and 
few equalled Orsamus H. IMarshall, and while we are thankful that 
he had reached a full measure of honored years, and that he had 
been spared to us so long as an example of true and modest great- 
ness, we truly mourn his loss and place upon record this tribute to 
his memory. 

While the memorial was being prepared Hon. E. C, Sprague spoke 
in brief as follows: 

When I look on the portraits on these walls, almost all of which 
represent the faces of friends of my boj^^hood, I feel as if they were 
realities; as if we who are living were nothing but fading pictures 
soon to be obliterated from the canvas of life. Mr. Marshall was 
almost the sole survivor and honored member of that old circle of 
lawyers. His career is worthy of serious meditation. His walk 
of life was absolutely without reproach. He devoted a long pro- 
fessional career to the performance of important duties and exe- 
cuted responsible trusts. Those duties were well done and trusts 
faithfully discharged. In all that relates to real estate our bar 
possessed no man sounder or more learned. He was a diligent and 
accurate scholar in the various paths of knowledge. Few men were 
so well versed in early explorations of the western part of the state 
of New York. Retiring in his habits he was nevertheless a most 
useful and public-spirited citizen. His time was devoted to bene- 
ficiary, literary and professional interests, Mr. Marshall was an 
almost perfect representative type of the large and best class of 
American citizens who in the midst of the turmoils and scandals 
which so largely take time of the people, was one to keep civiliza- 



APPENDIX. 477 

tion pure and sweet as he did. He was studious, intelligent and en- 
lightened. He possessed rational piety, and unostentatious dignity 
of private life. It is just, therefore, that we mourn his death. 

At the conclusion of Mr. Sprague's remarks, W. C. Bryant, Esq., 
spoke as follows: 

It is difficult to speak fitly, in the first burst of grief, and in 
the funereal hush and shadow of death, of one whom in life we 
loved and cherished, and whose companionship had become in a 
sense essential to our happiness. Who is like unto him? Who can 
fill his place in that empty chamber of our heai-ts ? This is the 
egotism of grief, but at a time like this there is charity even for the 
selfishness of sorrow. When as a mei"e lad I first came to Buffalo 
there were many eminent men here, but only three or four Avhom I 
had learned to watch afar with reverent and admiring eyes. One 
of these was Orsamus H. Marshall, whose writings and historical 
studies had always possessed for me a strange fascination. I re- 
member my impression of the man when I first saw him, and which 
fully accorded with the ideal of my imagination : a statelj^, erect 
personage; an unconscious air of high breeding, not haughty, but 
with the grandeur of a self-sustained, strong, intellectual manhood 
shining through him. 

It was long before I was honored with the friendship of this man 
and learned to love him. 

I knew him as a lawyer. He was not a plumed knight in the 
dusty arena of litigation. He was a man burdened with great trusts 
and responsibilities, Avhich he apparently accepted with reluctance 
and discharged with marvelous skill and fidelity. 

In the law relating to real property and in the grand department 
of equity jurisprudence I knew hira as a master, thoroughly learned 
and equipped. I do not think his tastes and talents inclined to the 
practice of the law— not, at least, to the rough-and-tumble contests 
of the nisi-prius courts. He had too sensitive a conscience and was 
too proud to be the champion of every suitor who demanded his 
services for a pecuniary reward. The natural bent of his mind im- 
pelled him to desert the dusty highway of the law for the more 
enticing paths of literature. He was amply endowed with the 



478 APPENDIX. 

means of indulging in such tastes, but the opportunities of resorting 
to tliese favorite studies were exceeding rare. Tliere were always 
kind and helpless people with large interests to protect who stood 
between. 

Still he accomplished in his peculiar field a very considerable 
amount of labor. This is not, perhaps, the time or place for speak- 
ing of liis achievements in this direction. It is enough to say that 
he v/as a conscientious, indcfntigable, and most successful explorer 
in the domain of aboriginal and colonial liistory; that he turned an 
elect7-ic light on ]tassagv'S of that history which theretofore were 
dark and illegible, and that such historians as Bancroft, Parkman 
and others gratefully acknowledged their indebtedness to him. His 
literary st3'le was admirable, terse and incisive, yet luminous and 
picturesque, clear and chaste as crystal. The results of his historical 
researches will survive centuries after the fleeting triumphs of ad- 
vocate and orator are droAvned in oblivion. 

Mr. Marshall was a public-spirited and a benevolent man. Most 
of the charities that drew upon his time and purse were studiously 
forbidden to make any public acknowledgment. 

His benefactions to the poor, to the widows and orphans, were len- 
dered with great cheerfulness and with a delicacy that is as admir- 
able as it is rare. He was the president of an asylum for destitute 
and orphaned Indian children, among other objects of his care, and 
who but the great Father of mercies himself knew of the extent of 
his tender, thoughtful, unremitting solicitude in behalf of those 
forlorn and hapless waifs? 

Mr. Marshall sustained all the relations of life with exceeding 
grace and rare dignity; judicious, loving, kind, he had a heart open 
as day to melting charity. He was the typical American gentle- 
man — dignified without haughtiness, courteous but not subservient, 
with winning graciousness of manner and observant of all tlie sweet 
humanities — a loving heart in a manly bosom. 

The earthly history of Orsaraus.H. Marshall is finished. ITot so 
as respects his example — the widening influence of a beneficent and 
beautiful life. 



APPENDIX. 479 

George J. Sicard spoke of liis eminent and excellent career and 
his great knowledge of real estate law. His exact and strict honesty 
was well-known. He was a man of pre-eminently high literary 
ability. 

Mr. George Wadswortli in seconding the ruemorial resolutions, 
said: 

In seconding the motion for the adoption of these resolutions I 
shall add but few words to the tribute which has been so justly and 
feelingly paid to the memory of our departed brother and friend; 
although L knew him well, both socially and professionally, it was 
not my good fortune to sustain those close and intimate relations 
with him, which best qualify those who survive him, to speak of his 
many admirable qualities and virtues. But surely, great intimacy 
is not absolutely necessary to enable me to pay this token of esteem 
and respect to the memory of the man, whose loss v/e deplore. For 
almost the whole of a long life as boy and man, he has lived among 
this people, he knew no home but BujOfalo, he saw it grow from the 
insignificant village to the mighty city ; here his work was done, 
and here he lived the life and developed the character and qualities 
which won the love of a whole community, whose sorrow and re- 
grets follow him to the grave, now that he has " gone over to the 
majority." As we all know, Mr. Marshall's professional life was 
not spent in the strife of litigation, or in the turmoil of the courts; 
he chose rather the part of the office adviser, counselor and pro- 
tector of his clients; he was eminently their care-taker; and in this 
useful and important branch of the duties of the profession no 
lawyer in Buffalo excelled him; in it he made for himself, and most 
worthily; a name and reputation worthy of any man's emulation and 
ambition. 

He was pre-eminently the counselor and in his care of the great 
interests confided to his charge and keeping, he was never found 
wanting; nor was it great things alone which demanded and I'e- 
ceived his watchful care and attention; the humblest client could 
rely upon his services as fully as the greatest, and the relatively 
small and insignificant matter received its proper measure of care 
and faithful service from his hands; faithful in great things, he was 



480 APPENDIX. 

equally faithful in little ones, and so deserved, received and retained 
the confidence and affection of all. But the professional life of Mr. 
Marshall is not all that commended him to us and to the public; 
he was a man of studious habits in other matters than those which 
relate solely to the law; his researches were not confined merely to 
the love of his profession, and his scholarly explorations into other 
fields, especially those of our local history, bore fruit in a series of 
papers and sketches, which were worthy of the man and the subjects 
of which he treated, and which, though too few and bdef, challenoe 
favorable comparison with far more ambitious papers, and so far as 
they go, are recognized as authority of the greatest value. 

In character, Mr. Marshall always seemed to me almost, if not 
quite, perfect; doubtless he had his failings, and frailties, as all men 
have. I do not know what they were, but I think they must have 
been the general imperfections of the race, and not all of the man, the 
faults of mankind at large, and not of this particular individual, for 
who among us can specify any fault or imperfection of his char- 
acter ? No word of slander or detraction ever tarnished his fair fame, 
even envy itself seemed to be silent when his name was mentioned; 
his honor and his integrity were always absolutely unquestioned and 
unquestionable; nobreath of suspicion ever blew upon him; calumny 
was dumb in his presence; and by universal acclaim he has ever 
been pronounced an able, upright. God-fearing gentleman. He was 
one of our most prominent and useful citizens, a man of whom 
Buffalo was proud, as well she might be; and so he lived his pure, 
even and noble life, and leaves behind him, now that he is gone, 

" Only those actions of the just. 
Which smell sweet and blossom in the dust." 

And we may say to his sorrowing family and friends: 
" Why weep ye then for him, who, having won 
The bound of man's ajjpointed years, at last, 
Life's blessings all enjoyed, life's labors done, 

Serenely to his final rest has passed ; 
While the soft memory of his virtues yet 

Lingers, like twilight hues, when the bright sun is set." 



APPENDIX. 



481 



Hon. James O. Putnam then delivered the following: 

Me. Chairman: Mr. Marshall, to whose memory we are met to 
pay honor and reverence, discharged the trust of life to a riper age 
than most of ^his profession attain. Having passed the psalmist's 
limit, he has at length been relieved by the power often styled man's 
enemy, but which I will call his friend. Especially will I call the 
office of death a friendly one, when, after a reasonably long life of 
personal honor and public usefulness, it closes a good mau's career. 

Our friend survived most all his early professional cotemporaries, 
I do not call to mind one who can speak to us of his early leo-al 
studies. He who could have spoken most intelligently and with the 
sympathy of friendship, died many years ago. The brilliant Stow, 
tradition of whom is rapidly fading, was his early partner, and I 
doubt if a stronger contrast in type and methods is ever seen than 
their village office — for Buffalo had then hardly emerged from the 
chrj^salis state — presented. Judge Stow, imperious, assertive 
dazzling, ever relying on the intuitions of his genius ; his associate 
unobtrusive, firm without dogmatism, avoiding publicity from in- 
stinct, carrying into his professional life those habits of study which 
made him profound as a lawyer^and learned in every favorite spe- 
cialty, never losing that poise which should distinguish the judge 
from the advocate. There was sometbiug graud in the storm-power 
of the senior partner ; there was confidence and security in the 
learned calm of the junior. 

And here I think we touch the key-note of Mr. Marshall's pro- 
fessional life. From temperament he was drawn to its mo.o quiet, 
but not less important walks, where he early took rank as a leader. 
No man among us had so wide trust-relations as he, during his most 
active years, and the confidence of his clients and of the public in 
his ability and character, were absolute. Distrust of either was 
never even whispered. 

Without dwelling upon his professional life, I would linger for a 
few moments upon Mr. Mai'shall's service to the public. Apprecia- 
tion is due to a man who advances the material interests of his city, 
provides wings for its commerce, makes it the centre of large in- 
dustries. Parks and boulevards for the poor and the rich alike, 
61 



482 APPENDIX. 

I'eflect honor upon the municipal spirit, but these and palaces are 
but poor things disassociated from institutions which are related to 
the higher civilization. Strike down and out of our beautiful city- 
its institutions of charity, its public libraries, its corporate associa- 
tions in connection with art, with science and liberal learning, and 
what value could we place upon it ? The richer it would be as 
reckoned on ' Change, the poorer it would be in a just estimate. 
Mr. Marshall largely contributed to the superior wealth of Buffalo. 
Its Historical society whose archives will have inestimable value for 
the generation to come, had its origin in his office, and much of 
its interest and present efficiency are due to his private and official 
labors in its behalf. 

A few years ago an eminent New York merchant cherishing an 
ajffiectionate memory of his early life in Buffalo, left a fund by will 
to found a free public reference library, a m.onument to the memory 
of Seth Grosvenor more honorable than pile of granite or marble. 

That library of 30,000 volumes, and daily increasing, is one of 
our distinguishing honors, and to Mr. Marshall is our city largely 
indebted for the scrupulous care of its fund, and for the admirable 
management of the institution. I do not forget that George R. 
Babcock, clarivm et venerabile nomen, and L. K. Haddock, and some 
others I might name, shared his labors, but I know that Mr. Marshall 
devoted much of his thought and time to making that institution 
realize the purpose of its founder. 

He has been of the foremost to secure higher education among us. 
He was one of the founders of the Buffalo Female Academy, and 
for many years was president of the corporation. I know of, for I 
witnessed his zeal in resurrecting and reorganizing the Buffalo 
University in 1846. He was of its council till its death, and was 
for years its president and chancellor. 

Our struggling Society of Natural Sciences found in him a friend 
and helper. Not to refer especially to his relations to our institu- 
tions of charity I think this record of service reflects honor upon 
him and upon his profession, which, through him, is so identified 
with the institutional life of Buffalo. But I will refer to one other 
relation to which he was called by the state. He was, and I think 



APPENDIX. 483 

at the time of his death, president of the Thomas Orphan Asylum 
for Indian cliildren, located on the Cattaraugus reservation. His 
official reports to the state show how carefully he had sought the 
causes of the degradation of the once powerful Iroquois nation, and 
their remedy. 

He found in the vices introduced by white men, the cause, and 
bringing the children under chi-istian and moral influences, a remedy 
he urged upon the state to supply as a solemn duty. 

Mr. Marshall was repeatedly invited to a broader public sphere. 
His fitness for trusts that require delicate handling, sagacity and 
intelligence, was appreciated by his friend President Fillmore, who 
tendered him the office of commissioner to China at a time when it 
was important to the United States to establish better commei'cial 
relations with the empire. He had no opium to force upon that 
people at the cannon's mouth, but we could offer them a reciprocity 
of legitimate trade pi'ofitablo to both countries. 

His health did not permit his acceptance of the trust, but that it 
was tendered reflected equal honor upon the President and his 
friend. 

Judge Hall when Post-Master-General, tendered him the office of 
assistant, which he declined for the same reason. 

There is still another sphere of service, yet in a walk so little 
observed by the general jjublic that mention may properly be made 
of it here. 

Mr. Marshall by his habit of patient investigation, and his love 
of historic studies, and his scholarly tastes, had rare adaptation for 
literary work. His numerous studies, particularly of our western 
history, would make a large volume, a form in which I hope they 
be preserved. 

His papers on Champlain's Expeditions in 1613-15, on de Celeron's 
to the Ohio in 1749, his narrative of the expedition of the Marquis 
de Nonville against the Seneeas in 1687, and on the building and 
voyage of the Guiffon in 1679, covering the early exploring expedi- 
tions of La Salle, Hennepin and La Mottc, with the history of their 
perilous voyage of tlie rivers and the lakes, and the tragic end of 
the Griffon, whose errand was more romantig and adventurous than 



484 APPENDIX. 

that of the Argonauts for the golden fleece; his elaborate paper on 
the visit of La Salle among the Senecas, are part of a series of Mr. 
Marshall's historic studies, which, if not enough for fame, have 
given him high rank among the annalists of the country. Perhaps 
nothing better illustrates Mr. Marshall's love of historic research 
than his paper published in the Magazine of American JSistory, in 
1882, on the original charter by Charles I, to his brother the Duke 
of York, of the territory now comprised within the limits of the 
state of New York. 

On his last visit to Europe, Mr. Marshall explored the state paper 
office in Loudon for those original crown grants. He found them 
on file, he states, " crisp with age, and covered with the dust of two 
centuries," copies of which were published, together with his state- 
ments of the origin and settlement of the several boundary con- 
troversies growing out of them. The date of the grants is 1G64, 220 
years from the present. But I will not pursue a path crowded with 
suggestion. 

This brief and imperfect review will serve at least as a hint of 
the wide range of public service rendered by our brother, and which 
we may gratefully remember for the honor that service confers 
upon his profession. 

Mr. Marshall lived a large life ; there was no waste in it. He 
never sought political honors, but found "in the still air of quiet 
studies," and in his home, the happiness often sought and rarely 
found in the feverish atmosphere of public life. He won a greater 
than any official title, that of a christian gentleman. 

On motion a resolution was adopted to the effect that a copy of 
the memorial be engrossed for presenting tjie family of Mr. Marshall, 
and all members of the bar were requested to be present at the 
funeral, this afternoon. 

Action op the Buffalo Savings Bank. 

At a meeting of the Board of Trustees of the Buffalo Savings 
Bank, held at the Banking House on the 12th of July, 1884, the 



APPENDIX. 485 

following resolutions were unanimously adopted: 

This Board being convened to pay their tribute of affection and 
respect to the memory of Orsamus H. Marshall, Esq., late one of 
their number, it is therefore 

Besolyed, That in the death of Mr. Marshall this Board has lost 
one of its most honored and valuable members. As the attorney 
and counsel of the bank for twenty-eight years, and a trustee for 
seven years up to the time of his death, his wise and prudent coun- 
sels, and his faithful and efficient services, have contributed largely 
to the prosperity and usefulness of the institution. Its depositors 
and this Board owe him a debt of gratitude which we cannot too 
strongly express. The record of his long and useful life is closed 
without stain oi- blemish, and while in common with this whole 
community, we mourn his loss, his memory will long be cherished 
and honored by us, and by all who knew him. 

Resolved., That a copy of this minute of the proceedings of the 
Board, signed by its officers, be transmitted to the family of Mr, 
Marshall in token of our sincere and reverent sympathy with them. 
That a copy be also furnished to the daily papers of this city for 
publication, and that we attend his funeral. 



[Fkom the Puj^alo Express.'] 

LETTER TO AN ABSENTEE, 

By a rambling old Resident. 

Buffalo, July 12, 1884. 

A biography of the late Orsamus II. Marshall has been published 
in most of the city papers, the matter being taken from the recently 
issued '■ History of Buffalo and Erie County." 

You will probably have I'ead that brief memoir before this 
letter reaches you, and I'm sure you will say to yourself, as I said 
to myself on reading it " How little this really tells me about the 
O. H. Marshall that I knew." 

Yet I suppose it is a very fair biography, as such things go in 
county histories, and it doubtless gave all the details of Mr. Mar- 



486 APPENDIX. 

shall's career that he, reticent, modest, unobtrusive, and true gentle- 
man that he was— cared to trouble the public with. 

The cold facts so published, however, are valuable material. 
They constitute the dry skeleton upon which some loving, yet faith- 
ful biographer could frame the living picture of a model American 
citizen, such as this good man was, as you and I knew him, I hope 
you at least, will live to read such a real and adequate biography of 
the late O. H Marshall. 

I believe that the general estimate of his character was the correct 
one, the one that you and I and all who knew him well also formed — 
to this effect: that in his daily life was seen an almost perfect type of 
American citizenship. 

If I were asked to give the best idea I could of this man's life, in 
a single characteristic, I should say that his had been a life 
of probity. 

Rectitude and uprightness are fair synonyms for this jewel of a 
word, and Integrity means almost the same. 

All these are words which must occur to every one who knew Mr. 
Mai'shall well as proper terms to usie in describing that upright man. 

Integrity particularly denotes a whole-hearted honesty, and espe- 
cially that which excludes all injustice that might favor one's self. 
The word integrity has a peculiar 7-eference to uprightness in 
material dealings, and " the execution of trusts for others." 

That last phrase might have been used on Mr. Mai'shall's business- 
cards, for it exactly describes the nature of his professional work 
during the greater part of his connection with the bar. 

Yet, after all I must give the preference to probity as the one 
word which accurately defines our friend's public and private life; 
for " Probity denotes unimpeachable honesty and virtue, shown espe- 
cially in the performance of those obligations, called imperfect, 
which the laws of the state do not reach and can not enforce." 

That's the sort of man that O. H. Marshall was. He was upright 
and virtuous, not out of respect for the law but because it was his 
nature so to be. 

I suppose he was employed in the execution of confidential 
trusts to a greater extent than any other lawyer in Buffalo, and the 



AFPENBIX. 487 

breath of susi^icion never for an instant beclouded the shining sur- 
face of his professional reputation. 

A confidence reposed in him was never betrayed. A trust placed 
in his hands was safe beyond doubt; and yet not like the buried 
talent, for he used it for the benefit of its owner with all the dili- 
gence that prudence would permit. 

He was the beau ideal of the old-fashioned family friend and man 
of business, exactly the man to have the care and custody of delicate 
and imijortant trusts. 

Mr. Marshall was notably a scholar as well as a Christian gentle- 
man — to vary slightly tlie hackneyed phrase. He was the author 
of many historical monographs, and his tastes inclined him especially 
to antiquarian biographical research. 

He would cheerfully spend weeks in verifying a date to the very 
day, and months in making sure of the con-ect spelling of a name, 
before putting to the press a modest pamphlet of thirty-two pages. 
To be accurate, indeed, was one of his leading traits. He loved the 
right because it was right. 

But Mr. Marshall was by no means a Dryasdust in his literary 
style. His sentences were carefully polished, it is true; but they 
were none the less pointed and incisive for that. He was a ready 
writer withal, and well up in the topics of the day. 

To my thinking, however, one of the most admirable traits which 
made Mr. Marshall a man of mark was his perfect command of him- 
self and of all his faculties under all circumstances. He was always 
equal to the emergency. 

He was conscientious to a degree ir. the performance of any 
public duty imposed upon him. He rarely needed a substitute. He 
was not a statesman, because he was not called to duty in that direc- 
tion. He had plenty of the stuff of whicli statesmen are made. But, 
while not a statesman, our friend was, as Pope wrote of Addison: 
"Yet friend to truth; of soul sincere; 
In action faithful, and in honor clear; 
Who broke no promise, serv'd no private end. 
Who gained no title, and who lost no friend." 



INDEX. 



ABBOTT, Dr., 88 
Abenakis, 248 
Aclirondacks, 142 
Aix La Chapelle, Treaty of, 238 
Alexandria, site of, 267 
Algonquins, 342 
Allegbany river, 259 
Allen, Ebenezer, 303 
Allouez, Fatber, 333 
Allumette Island, 71 
Allumette Lake, 68 
Amberst, Gen., 271, 308 
Araberst Island, 50 
Andastes, Indian tribe, 42 7 
Andastanes, Indian tribe, 207 
Angelorum, Fatber, 183 
Armestead, Capt., 293 
Arquebuses a croc, 159 
Astrolabe, Champlain's disco- 
very of, 67 
Attigu6, Indian settlement, 259 
Atwater, Caleb, 264 
Aubert, Cbarles, 180 
Avon, 129 
Avon Springs, 141 
Ayle worth, 142 

BANCROFT, George, 88 
Barentz, Pieter, 232 
Barton, Nancy, 302 
Bass Islands, 111 
Beautiful River (Ohio), 213 

62 



Bemus Point, 247 

Bennett, Sir Henry, secretary to 
Charles II, 323 

BertHer, a Eahiian captain, us 

Bibliotheque Nationale, 189 

Bienville le Moyne de, 188 

Big Sandy Creek, 2i 

Bird Island, 73, 306 

Black Rock, 302, 307 

Blacksmith, John (Seneca 
Sachem), 297 

Bloody Run, 290 

Bochart, Jean, 180 

Bois Black Island, 111 

Bonnecamps, Father, MS. Diary 
of, 240; map bv, 249, 25 7, 258, 
260, 263, 204, 267, 268, 270 

Bouillet, his dictionary, 58 

Boughton Hill, N. Y", 83, 136, 
195, 198, 285 

Boughton, Enos, pioneer on Hol- 
land Patent, 299 

Bouquet, CoL, 272 

Braddock, Gen., defeat of, 239, 
271 

Bradstreet, Col., 272; builds Fort 
Erie, 307 

Brant, Capt., 136 

Brassart, an interpi-eter, 85 

Brebeuf, Father, 185 

Brisay, Rend de, 180 

British Blnseum, 313 



490 



INDEX. 



Brodhead, J. K, 45, 136 
Bross, Paul de, 243. 
Bruyas, Father, 167, 196, 197 
Bryant, William C, quoted in 

Introduction; deliverers eulogy 

on O. H. Marshall, 477 
Bryant, Wm. Cullen, 88 
Buffalo Hist. Soc, action of on 

Mr. Marshall's death, 473 
Buffalo Bar, action of on Mr. 

Marshall's death, 474 
Buffalo Savings Bank, action of 

on Mr. Marshall's death, 484 
Bu^alo, G; origin of name, 312 
Buffalo Creek, 10, 282, 305, 307, 

310, 311 
Burlington Bay, 221, 233 
Burnt Ship Bay, 301 
Butler, Col., 289 
Butlersburg (Niagara village), 

289- 

CABOT, portraits of, 230 
Cadillac, Antoine de la 

3Iothe, 188 
Cahihonoliaghe (La Famine), 56 
Caihague, chief town of the 

Hurons, 20 
Calf Islands, 38 
Cameras, M. de, 148, 164, 171, 

180 
Campbell, Lieut. Don, 296 
Canada, conquest of, 271 
Canandaigua, 29 
Canandaigua Lake, 24, 30 
Canaserago Creek, 64 
Carantouauais, 26 
Carhiel, Father, 197 
Carignau-Salieres, reg't of, 76 
Cartier, Jacques, 275, 290 
Carver, Capt. Jas., 341 
Cass, Gov., address before Mich. 

Hist. Soc, 87 



Casson, Francois Dollier de, 190 

Cataragareuse, 160 

Catarocouy (Kingston, N. Y.), 
125 

Catarocouy Fort, 176 

Catarocouy Redoubt, 145, 149, 
156, 173 

Cattaraugus Reservation," 278, 
310, 312 

Cattaraugus mission, 316 

Cat Nation (Fries), 12, 284 

Cayugas, the, 5 ; settle near 
Buffalo, 314 

Cayugas, tlieir warriors, 143 

Cayuga (Gill) creek, 91, 300 

Cayuga Canton, 143 

Cayuga channelj 101 

Champlain, Sieur de, 8; expedi- 
tion to the Onoudagas, 19; his 
works, 21, 24, 25; his narra- 
tive, 30; his map, 35, 62, 68; 
the Portage du Fort and dis- 
cussion respecting, 70, 192, 276 

Chammonot, Father, 33, 196 

Chanoutouaromius, 27 

Chaonanous (Shawnees), 174, 
222 

Charles H, 321, 323, 327, 330 

Charlevoix, 30, 124, 256; journal 
of, 287; quoted, 334 

Chartier's Band, 260 

Chatauque, 149 

Chatauque Creek, 246 

Chatauque Lake, 246 

Chalakouin Portage, 244 

Chalakouiu Lake, 246 

Chaudiere Falls, 68 

Chenays, Chs. Aubert de la, 180 

Chiningue village (Logstown), 
260, 261, 262 

Chiuoshahgeh village, 139, 195 

Chittenango Creek, 64 

Chippewa River, 334 



INDEX. 



491 



Chippewa Creek, 300 

Chroiitons, Little Sodus Bay, 
161 

Clark, Gen., expedition of, 268 

Clark, reply to, 43 

Clark, Josh V. H., 43 

Clairambault Collection, 78 

Clinton, Gov. Geo., 240, 243, 249 

Clinton, Gov. De Witt, discourse 
of on the Iroquois, 129, 264 

Coeur, Jean, 241, 251 

Colden, 163 

Collet, Claude, 26 

Columbus, portraits of, 230 

Conewango river, 249, 252 

Conesus Greek, 141, 195 

Connecticut River, 321 

Connecticut colony, 321 

Conty, Fort, 286 

Contrecoeur, De, 239, 268 

Copper Regions, early notices of, 
333 

Cornelius Creek (suu-iish), 303 

Cornstalk, defeated, 266 

Coteau des Cedes, rapids, 151 

Coteau du Lac, 151 

Courcey, Col,, 143 

Courassilon Creek, 64 

Coureurs du Bois, 182 

Courcelles, Gov., helps La Salle, 
192 ; campaign against Mo- 
hawks, 190 

Crevecoeur, destruction of forts 
at, 229 

Croghan, Geo., 261 

DABLON, a Jesuit, 33 
Da-non-ca-ri-ta-oui village, 
• 141, 184 
De Borgue, M., 244 
De Beauharnois, Marquis, 260 
De Careilt, Father, 152 
De Celeron, Capt., Bienville Ex. 



to the Ohio, 23*7; MS. Journal 
of, 239 

De Joncourt, Peter, certifies to 
a translation of a leaden plate, 
242 

De la Barre's Expedition, 124 

De la Durantaye, Sieur, 156, 158 

De la Foret, Sieur, 104, 157, 181 

De Lamberville, Father, 146 

De Laets's map, 233 

De O'rvilliers, Sieur, 148, 181 

De D'omblement, Mr., 149 

De JSTonville, Marquis, Expedi- 
tion against Senccas, 37, 94, 
123, 128, 145, 149 ; La Hon- 
tan's- account, 181, 281, 286 

De Nonville's Fort, 256 

De Peyster, Lieut., 293 

De Soto, 230 

De Saussaye, 248 

De Troyes, Sieur, 148, 176 

De Villiers, Sieur de, 244 

Dilauan Bay, 324, 329 

De-o-om-oct, a town, 195 

Desmeloozes, De, 180 

Des Galots, Rapids of, 155 

Des Galots, Isle of, 160 

Detroit river, 111 

Detroit harbor, 118 

Detroit fort, 272 

Detroit, 245 

De-yu-di-haak-doh (The Bend), 
139, 195 

Devil's Hole, massacre at, 296 

Diuwiddie, Gov., 270 

Dollier, a priest, 95, 203 

Do-syo-ua, name of part of city 
of Buffalo, 312 

Dongan, Gov., 124 

Du Shu, 157* 

Du Puys, M., 40, 56, 180 

Du Quesne, Fort, 239 

Du Quesne, Marquis, 270 



492 



JKDEX. 



Dutch, the, 8 
Duguay, Sieur, 148 
Dya-go-di-ya, Seneca word for 

battle ground, 1 34 
Dyu-ne-ho-gaah-uah, chief of the 

*Tonawandas, 133 
Dya-doo-sot, a Seneca locality, 

141 
Dwyer, 144 

EAST BLOOMVILLE, 139 
Eastman, Capt,, 258 
Ebenezer village, 314 
Eighteen Miie Creek, 304 
Embran, Father, 166 
England, Col., 301 
Entouhorons, 22, 24, 25, 27 
Erie, Lake, 12, 28, 92, 94, 99, 

107, 185, 224, 225, 237, 240, 

246, 269, 309, 329 
Erie, Fort, 307 

FALSE DUCK ISLAND, 50 
Farmer's brother, 297 
Feast of the Dead, 279 
Ferland, M., 25; quoted, 239 
Five Nations, 13, 125 
Fleur, Sergeant, la, J 06 
Forbes, Gen., 270 
Forest Lawn cemetery, 315 
Fort Hill, 138 
Fort St. Ann, 196 
France, 110; asserts ownership 

to the Ohio valley, 238 
Franciscan missionaries, 233 
Franciscan missions, 1 
Franciscans, chant hymns, 99; 

celebrate mass, 117; embark 

for Niagara, 117 . 
Franklin village, 257 
Franquelin, 56, 92 
Fremin, Father Jacques, 11, 167, 

280 



Fremin's Mohawk mission, 198 
Frontenac, Fort (Kingston), 75, 

95, 98, 102, 181, 244 
Frontenac, Count de, 41, 101 
Frontenac, arms of, 73 
Fur trade, attractions of, 237 

r^ ABRIEL, Father, 107 

VIX Gah-d,-yau-duk, an Indian 

town, 134, 139 
Galinee, 37, 95, 109; annotation 

of his map, 190; his religious 

zeal, 191 ; extract from his 

journal of La Salle's visit to 

the Senecas, 201, 202, 213 
Galissoni^re, Marq. de la, 238, 

243 
Ganaougon, village, 245, 248, 

255 
GannoDgarae, village, 11, 139, 

169, 180 
Gannagaro, village, 137, 163, 

169, 180 
Gannondata, village, 180 
Gannounata village, 139, 170 
Gan-do-oua-ge, a Mohawk vil- 
lage, 197 
Gan-don-ga-rae, site of Fremin's 

mission, 198 
Gan-da-chi-i-a-gou . site of Gar- 

nier's mission, 198 
Gannerous, an Iroquois village, 

157 
Gaunaraski, 175 
Ganastogue village, 220 
Ganniagatarontogouat (Ironde- 

quoit Bay), 162, 173 
Gamier, Father, 10, 83, 142, 197, 

285 
Ga-o-sa-eh-ga-aah, a Seneca town, 

131, 134; mission to, 195 
Gazangula, a chief, 124 
Geddes, Geo., 44 



INDEX. 



493 



Genesee river, 8, 12, 95, 281 

Genesee portage, 193 

Genesee valley, 30 

Genesee flats, 293 

Geneva Medical College, 252 

George, Fort, 289 

Georgian Bay, 19 

Ghent, treaty of, 293, 331 

Gill (Cayuga) creek, 297, 300 

Gist, Col. Christopher, 270 

Gloucester Bay, 6 

Goat Island, 291 

Goienho (Oneida) Lake, 33 

Goiogouen (the Canton of the 

Cayugas), 166 
Goyogoneus Nation, 152, 169 
Grand Island, 103, 301 
Grand Niagara, 129, 293 
Grand river, 223, 225 
Granger, Erastus, U. S. Indian 

agent, 315 
Granville, a commandant, 148 
Great Kanawha, 265; significa- 
tion of, 266 
Great Miami River, 240, 267 
Great Meadows, battle of, 270 
Great Galloo Islands, 38 
Great Falls, 28 
Green Bay, 118, 228, 245 
Green river, a tributary of St. 

Peters, 334 
Greenhalp's voyage, 138 
Griffon, building and description 

of, 73; why so named, 101; 

ascends rapids, 108 ; return and 

wreck of, 119 
Gross Isle, 111 
GuMeville (the monk), "Baron 

la Hontau," 334 
Gull Island, 104 



H 



AMILTON, Gov, 243, 251, 
261 



Hamilton, town of, 222 

Hanover street, Buffalo, 312 

Harmer, old fort, 264 

Harrisse, 46 

Hart's Rock, 258 

Heckwelder, 253 

Henderson Bay, 52 

Henderson harbor, 38 

Hennepin, Father Louis, 77, 82, 
94, 97; goes to Fort Frontenac, 
103; rejoins the Griffon and his 
adventurers, 106; visits Niag- 
ara and is delighted with the 
country, 106, 198; quoted, 283, 
289, 291, 300, 334 

Hennepin's Rock, 90 

Henry, Alex., the Indian trader, 
336, 337 

Henry, Fort, 262 

Hildreth's Ohio valley, 264 

Homes, Dr. Henry A., 123 

Honeoye Falls, 129 

Honeoye inlet, 195 

Hosraer, Wm. C, 128 

Hotre-honate, an Indian, 156 

Hudson river, 321 

Hudson's bay, 4 

Huillier fort, 335 

Humber river, 229 

Hurons, 6, 8, 13, 19; origin of 
name, 7 

Huron, Lake, 7, 12, 19, 28, 94, 
113, 229, 279 

Huron tongue, 12 

Huron, Iroquois, 4 

TBERVILLE, Le Moyne de, 

-L 1S8, 334 

Ignace, Point St., 116 

Illinois, 4 

Illinois Lake, 94 

Illinois river, 245 

Indiana, limits of, 237 



494 



INDEX. 



Indian names, pronunciation and 
signification of on map, 177 

Indian wharf, 53 

Indians, North America, 53 

Inner Duck Island, 38 

Iroquois, the, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 13, 
14, 19, 20, 56, 125, 1S1_; of 
what composed, 142 ; seizure 
of their chiefs, 126 ; their 
wonder at the Griffon, 106 

Iroquois fort, 28, 43, 58 

Irondequoit Bay, 37, 133, 194; 
La Salle reaches, 193, 201 

Isle la Marine, Navy Island, 334 

-TAMES RIVER, 3 

O Jamestown, N. Y., 248 

James I, 328 

James II, 322 

Jemison, Mary, 304 

Jesuits, the, 12 

Jesuit missions, 1, 197, 233 

Jesuit Relations, 12 

Jogues, Father, 197 

Jolmson, Sir Wm., 241, 250, 256, 

294, 297, 298, 301, 308, 310 
Johnson Hall, 297, 298 
Johnson, Sir Wm., Stone's Life 

of, quoted, 302 
Joliet Louis, 74, 92; journey of, 

223, 227 
Joncaire, 243, 248, 255, 259 
Joncaire, Chabert, Jun., 256, 294 
Joncaire, Chauzonne, 294 
Jones, Capt., colleague of Capt. 

Parish, 306 

"ALM, the naturalist, 288 

Kanawha river, 238 

Kakouagoga, a destroyed nation, 

near site of Buffalo, 279 
Karontagouat, Mohawk for Ii'on- 
dequoit Bay, 201 



Kaskaskias, 341 

Kenjockety, Philip, 303, 305, 

310 
Kenjockety, John, 304, 310 
Kenjockety creek, 304 
Kennedy, Patrick, his journal, 

341 
Keute, 176 
Kingston (Fort Frontenac), 47, 

283 
Kingsford, Wm., 67 
Kirkland, Rev. Samuel, 304, 307, 

313 
Kiskakon (site of Fort Wayne), 

269 
Kiskiminitas river, 259 
Kleynties, report of, 231 

L'ALLEMENT, Father, his 
account of Brebeuf's visit 
to the Neutral Nation, 185 

La Chine, expedition leaves, 243 

La Demoiselle village, 268 

La Fiteau, 10, 141 

La Famine, 56, 160 

La Famine bay, 124 

La Forge, a blacksmith, 99 

La Galette, 116 

La Grand Bale, 118 

La Haye, 181 

La Hontan, Baron, noin de plume 
of the Monk Guedeville, 89, 
136, 141, 309 ; travels of, 124, 
181 

La Motte, Sieur de, 283 

La Point (Lake Superior), 323 

La Salle, sketch of his life and 
voyage on the Griffon, 74 ; 
his caution, 110 ; his devo- 
tion, 115; his plans, 118; con- 
tinues his expedition, 120 ; 
his first visit to the Senecas 
in 1669 and his birth and 



INDEX. 



495 



La Salle — continued. 

history, 187 ; new account 
of his discoveries, 188 ; his 
age, 191 ; organizes an ex- 
pedition, 192; his forces, 193 
ascends the St. Lawrence, 193 
confers with Senecas, 206 
visits oil wells, 208; fears an 
Indian attack, 215 ; deceived 
by guides, 218; falls sick, 221; 
•Jesuit jealousy against, 206; 
returns alone to Montreal, 227; 
his claim to discovery of Mis- 
sissippi, 227; return to France 
and his reception, 228; his sub- 
sequent wanderings, 229, 227; 
death of, 230, 237, 253, 283, 
286 

La Salle village, 302 

La Yalterge, a commandant, 148 

Lamberville, Father, 126, 156 

Laverdieres, Abbe, 21, 25, 27, 
45, 46 

Le Buisson Cascade, 151 

Le Caron, a Franciscan, 19 

Le Moyue, a Jesuit, 5 

Le Moyne, Longeuil, 148 

Le Moyne, Sieur de St. Helene, 
154 

Le Mercier, Father, 143 

L'Escarbot, 192 

Le Sueur, M., 334 

Le Trou, a cascade, 151 

Lewiston, 256, 290 

Lewiston portage, 244, 297 

Lewiston, storehouse rebuilt at, 
287 

Liancourt, Due de la, visits Black 
Rock, 307 

Little Miami river, 294 

Little Sandy Creek, 21 

Little Galloo Island, 38 

Little Sandy Lake, 54 



Liverpool village, 40 

Lloyd street, Buffalo, 312 

Logan, defeat of, 266 

Long Point, 226, 247 

Long Island, 50 

Long Sault, 153 

Longueil, M. St. Paul, de, 181, 

268 
Loskiel, quoted, 294 
Louisville Falls, 227 
Loups, tribe of, 56, 256 
Loups, village of, 260 
Louis XIV, 92 
Lussiere, la Motte de, 76 
Lower Black Rock, 303 

MACHAULT, Fort, 257 
Mackinaw, 272 
Main Duck Islands, 50 
Main St., Buffalo, 312, 315 
Manchester (Niagara vilL), 294 
Margry, 46, 88, 188; MSS of, 227 
Marietta, Ohio, 283 
Marion, La Fontaine, guides the 

English, his capture and death, 

181 
Marquette, Father, 74, 227 
Marshall, Orsamus IL, for review 

of his writings and estimate of 

his character, see introduction; 

for death of, sketch of his life 

and the action taken by public 

bodies after his decease, 469 
Marshall, Charles D., adopted by 

the Seneca Nation as a brother, 

see Introduction 
Mary Jemison, the white woman, 

quoted, 304 
Martin's Corners, 313 
Maude, the traveler, 296 
Maumee rivei", 268 
Malchedas Bay, 20 
Matchedas tribe, 7 



496 



INI>BX. 



Matagoras Bay, 229 

Mechaux, French naturalist, 
quoted, 312 

Melithou, Father, 108 

Merabre, Zenobe, a Franciscan, 
105 

Mexican Gulf, 4, 230 

Michigan Lake, 118, 229, 245 

Mile strip (surveyecl), 305 

Ministere de la Marine, 92 

Mississippi, discovery of, 227 

Mississippi valley, 10, 278 

Missilhmackniac, 116, 118 

Mississauga Point, 288 

Mississauga Indians, 300 

Mohawks, the, 5; force of war- 
riors, 143 

Mohawk, Canton of, 243 

Mohegans, the, 197 

Monongahela river, 238, 260 

Montcalm, Gen., 259 

Montreal, 269, 275 

Moore, Mr., of Victor, N. Y., 
thanked, 144 

Morgan, Lewis H., 57 

Mountain Ridge, 96, 223 

Mud Lake, 68 

Mud Creek, 139 

Munseys (branch of the Dela- 
ware), 256 

Muskingum, the (Yenanguako- 
nan), 263, 269 

Muskrat Lake, 68 

"VTAVY ISLAND, 301, 334 
±M Necessity, Fort, 271 
Neutral Nation, the (Kah-kwas), 

4, 8, 10, 11, 278, 284 
New Amsterdam (Buffalo), 313 
New Netherlands, 321 
New France, 19 
New Jersey, boundaries of, 331 
New York, 20 ; in La Salle's 

time, 194 



New York, boundaries of, 331 
New York charters, 1667-1674; 

history of, 321 
Niagara, 8, 173; derivation of the 

word, 184; Indian names of, 

284 ; frontier sketches of, 275 
Niagara Falls, 92, 220 
Niagara river, 28, 80, 89, 92, 313 
Niagara, fort at, 75, 90, 256, 269, 

282, 288, 293, 301, 309, 310 
Niagara, portage at, 88 
Niagara, great rock and gorge in 

the river, 89 
Niagara St., Buffalo, 304 
Nicholas, Jno., attests Letters 

Patent, 323 
Nichols Pond, 59 
North America, map of in 1688, 

92; 1689, 93; 1699, 94 
North American lakes, their form 

and size, 190 
Norton, Chas. D., reads a jjaper 

before Buf. Hist. Soc, 307 
Nunda on the Genesee, 310 

O'CALLAGHAN, Dr., 24, 46, 
283 
Ohio, 12; limits of, 2S7 
Ohio river, 241, 243 
Ohio valley, 241, 243 
Old French war, 271 
Old Smoke (Indian chief), 297 
Oneidas, the, 5; the number of 

their warriors, 143 
Oneida Canton, 143 
Oneida Lake, 29, 33, 39, 56, 92, 

97, 232 
Oneida river, 21, 39 
O'Neil, Capt. Rich., 302 
Ongiara, name for Niagara, 184 
Onnontagues (Oswego river), 161 
Onondaga village, 34 
Onondaga county, 29 



INDEX. 



497 



Onondaga, history of, 40 
Onondaga Lake, 21 
Onondaga, council at, 199 
Onondagas, 5, 25; their force, 

143 
Onondagas, Champlain's expedi- 
tion against, 19 
Onondagas, expedition against 

in 1779, 19 
Onondagas, their speech to Lara- 

berville, 127 
Onondagas, settle near Buffalo, 

313 
Onondowaah (Great Hill), 233 
Onontaerrhonons, 25 
Ontario Lake, 12, 19, 28, 185, 

194, 221, 240, 244, 329; chart 

of, 47 
Ontario Co., 280 
Ontonagau river, 336 
O-nyiu-da-on-da-gwat (L'onde- 

quoit Bay), 131 
Oreonate, an L-oquois chief, 152, 

197 
Orvilliers, M. de, 176 
Oswego river, 28, 161 
Otibatangue, 33, 56 
Otin-a-oua-ta-oua, a village, 220, 

223, 226 
Otoniato, Isle of, 154 
Ottawa river, 226 
Outer Duck Island, 33 

PAILLE COUPEE, village, 
245, 248, 257 
Parish, Capt., 306 
Parish tracts, 306 
Parker, H. Nicholas, 316 
Parkman, Francis, 25, 45, 88 
Pauchot, 57 
Penfield, Henry F., 306 
Penn Hist. Soc, 44 
Pennsylvania, West, limits of, 
237 

62 



Peoria river, 22S 

Perrot, Isle of, 149 

Perre, Sieur, 152, 157 

Petits, Chesneaux, 152 

Pierron, Father, 196 

Pioneers' Association, 44 

Phelps & Gorham Purchase, 304 

Pickering's system of Orthogra- 
phy used, 177 

Pied Froid, a Miami chief, 269 

Pitt, Fort, 272 

Pittsburgh, site of, 259, 260 

Plymouth, 3; council of, 328 

Pointe de Traverse, 21, 104 

Pointe Pellee, 111, 228, 269 

Pointe au Pins, 111 

Pointe au Baudet, 152, 176 

Pointe Maligne, 152 

Pointe a la Morte, 176 

Point Pleasant (Six Mile creek), 
302 

Pollard, Capt., burial place not 
marked, 314 

Poutchitrain Lake, 58 

Pontiac, 271 

Porter, Fort, 73 

Porter, Hon. Augustus, 129, 292, 
299, 305 

Portneuf, Lieut., 157 

Pottawatamies, 118, 119 

Pouchot quoted, 268 

Poutouatainites (Pottawatamies) 
222 

Presquo Isle, 114, 272 

Prideaux, Gen., 271 

Prime St., Buffalo, 312 

Prince Edward's Peninsula, 48 

QUEBEC, 4, 19 
Queenston, 289 
Quints Bay, 47 

RAFFEIX, Father, 83, 285 
Raleigh, portraits of, 230 



498 



INDEX. 



Ramezay, do, 180 

Rapide des chats, 68 

Rapide Plat, 154 

Raymond, M. de, 269 

Ragueneau, Father, 12, 291 

Recollets, the, 115 

Red Jacket, 132, 305; grave of, 

314 
Repentigny, Gapt., 157 
Rebourde, Gabriel de la, a Fran- 

ciscau, 105 
Rigaud, Philip de, 180 
Riviere aux Boeufs (Frencli 

creek), 256, 258, 264 
Riviere a la Roche, 268 
Rogers, Maj. Robt., 271 
Romprey, Fleutelot, de, 180 
Roswell, Sir Henry, granted land 

between the Merrimac and 

Charles rivers, 328 

Q AGIN AW, 114 

D St. Anthony's Falls, 334 

St. Croix river, 836 

St. Croix, Island of, 69 

St. Coiq, a commandant, 148 

St. Francis (Long Ft.), 110 

St. Francis Lake, 151 

St. James village, 169 

St. Joseph Post, 272 

St. Joseph river, 228 ; destruc- 
tion of forts at, 228 

St. Lawrence river, 19, 48, 219, 
228, 277 

St. Lawrence, Gulf of, 1 

St. Louis Lake, 12, 70, 284 

St. Louis Saut, 149 

St. Mary's Falls, 333, 334 

St. Marie (Lake Huron), 284 

St. Marie, Falls of, 342 

St. Michael village, 169 

St. Yotoc (Scioto), 266 

Saginaw (Sakinau), 114 



Salmon river, 21, 34, 56 
Sault de St. Marie, 226 
Sault St. Louis, 261, 266 
Sandusky, post at, 272 
Scaugh-juh-quattv> an old Indian, 

305 
Schlosser, Capt., 295 
Schlosser Fort, 25»6, 295, 299 
Schoolcraft, 87; quoted, 258 
Seneca, origin of name, 231 
Seueca names with their signifi- 
cations, 317 
Seneca White, an Iroquois chief, 

278 
Seueca road, 10 
Seneca county, 132 
Seneca villages, 12 
Seneca Canton, 143 
Seneca Nation, 205 
Seneca territory of, and annexa- 
tion by the French, 179 
Senecas, 5, 6, 8, 10, 11, 13, 24, 25 
Senecas, embassy to, 82 ; council 
of, 84; plan of to burn Griffon, 
97 ; their reservation, 130; 
their traditions of French in- 
vasions, 131; their forces, 143 
Severn river, 20 
Shea, Dr. Gilraary, reply to, 43 
Shon-non ke-ri-ta-oui, a Seneca 

chief, 142 
Sgoh-sa-is-thah, 132 
Simcoe Lake, 7, 19, 20, 229 
Simcoe, Island, 50 
Simcoe, Gen, and Lt. Gov., 289; 

quoted, 301 
Six Mile Creek, Sir Wm. John- 
son encamps at, 302 
Small Island (Tonawanda), 303 
Smith, Arthur, 124, 162 
Smuggler's Run, 306 
Sonontoerrhonons (the Senecas), 
25 



INDEX. 



499 



Sonontoerrhonons Nation, 152 
Sonontoerrhonons, destruction of 

their villages, 172 
Sonontoerrhonons river, 159, 161 
Sonnontouans (ambuscade the 

French), 164 
Snipes, the (a Seneca clan), 142 
Sparks, Jared, 187 
Squaw Island, 73, 103, 304, 305, 

306 
Squier, the author, 10 
Stanwix, Treaty of Fort, 313 
Stedman, John, survivor of 
Devil's Hole massacre, 296, 297 
Stedman, Philip, 296 
Stedman, William, 296 
Stedman claim, the, 297 
Stedman House, 298 
Stony Creek, 53 
Stony Island, 38, 50 
Stony Point, 20, 21, 56 
Stone, Col. William L., 128 
Stone, William L., 2d, see intro- 
duction 
Strong, Nath. T., thanked, 316 
Sullivan's Expedition, 310 
Superior, Lake, Jesuit mission es- 
tablished at, 333 
Suppose, Fort (Niagara), 309 
Susquehanna river, 27 

TABLE ROCK, 291 
Tache, Dr., 67 
Tagarondies, a Seneca village, 

S3, 95 
Talon, Intendent in Canada, 192 
Te Deum, chanted, 74, 101, 113 
Teth^-roguen, 33 
Temiscamins, region of, 155 
Texas, 230 
Thegaronhies, a Seneca town, 

141 
Ticonderoga, Fort, 271 



Tit-ho-yoh, an interpreter. 132 
Tobacco Nation, 4, 8, 11 
Toagenha, an Ohio river tribe, 

207, 217 
Tonawanda Island, 10, 279, 303 
Tonawanda Creek, Indian name 

of^ 303, 312 
Tonty (Tonti), Chev. Henry de, 

sketch of, 76; accompanies La 

Salle, 76 ; incidents of the 

voyage with, 95, 96, 108, 111, 

157, 172, 286 
Totiakton village, 167, l7l, 180 
Totiakto village, 139 
Toronto, 229 
Trent River, 37, 47 
Trinity river, 230 
Trumbull, James Hammond, the 

Historian, 232 
Tsonnontouans, 180, 198 
Turenne, Marshall, 190 
Tuscaroras, 142, a 76-" 
Twightwees, the, 262 
Two Mountains, Lake of, 261 

"TT^AILLANT, Father, 180 
V Vallerennes, a command- 
ant, 148 

Vanschaick, Col., 41 

Vaudreuiel, Chev. de la, 148, 
172, 180 

Yenango, Fort, 255, 257 

Vermilion river, 260 

Victor, N. Y., town of the battle 
ground, 135 ; relics found at, 
137, 281, 285 

Ville Marie, 149 

Villiers, Coulon de, 271 

Vintimilte, 76 

AR.RAGH-I-YA-GHEY 

(Indian name of Sir 
Wm. Johnson), its significa- 
tion, 241 



W 



600 



INDEX. 



Warren village, 249 
Ware, Jesse, 296 
Washington, Gen., 255, 270, 282 
Washington Island, 118 
Wassenaer's History of Europe, 

232 
Wayne, Gen., 268 
Wendots, the, 19 
Western Reserve, 331 
West Men don, 139 
Wheeling Creek, plate found at, 

262 
White Woman river, 272 
White Wood river (Tonawauda 

creek), 303 
White's Corners, N. Y., 304 
Williamson, Sir Joseph, note 

books of, 323 



Wilson, Dr. Peter, 252, 315, 316 
Winthrop, John, has a grant 

from the king, 330 
Wolf Island, 50 
Wolf Nation (the Mohegans), 

206 
Wolf, Gen., 271 
Wright, Rev. Asher, 144, 251 
Wyandots, the, 19, 262 
Wyandot language, 234 
Wyoming massacre, 282 

YORK, Duke of, 321, 327, 
328 
Young King, burial place un- 
marked, 314 
Young Men's Christian Associa- 
tion of Buffalo, 1 




-0 



oj.\ 



